Saturday, June 26, 2021

70 నెలలు పట్టినా.. లక్ష్యం నుంచి తప్పుకోం : ఒమర్

 70 నెలలు పట్టినా.. లక్ష్యం నుంచి తప్పుకోం : ఒమర్

June 26 2021 

శ్రీనగర్ : ప్రధాని నరేంద్ర మోదీతో భేటీ సాఫీగానే సాగిందని నేషనల్ కాన్ఫరెన్స్ అధినేత ఫరూక్ అబ్దుల్లా వెల్లడించారు. తమ తమ అభిప్రాయాలను అందరూ మోదీ ముందు పెట్టారని తెలిపారు. రాజకీయ ప్రక్రియను ప్రారంభించడం, పరిస్థితులను మెరుగుపరిచే ప్రక్రియకు అంకురార్పణ జరిగిందని ఫరూక్ అన్నారు. మాజీ ముఖ్యమంత్రి నేషనల్ కాన్ఫరెన్స్ నేత ఒమర్ అబ్దుల్లా మాట్లాడుతూ... డీలిమిటేషన్ విషయంలో తమ విధానం చాలా స్పష్టంగా ఉందని, అవసరమైనప్పుడు ఫరూక్ అబ్దుల్లా సూచనలు తీసుకుంటారని తెలిపారని అన్నారు. అయితే ఇప్పటి వరకూ మాత్రం డీలిమిటేషన్ విషయంలో తమను ఎవరూ సంప్రదించలేదని స్పష్టం చేశారు. ఆర్టికల్ 370 రద్దు చేయాలన్న బీజేపీ ఆలోచన కార్యరూపం దాల్చడానికి 70 సంవత్సరాలు పట్టిందని ఫరూక్ అబ్దుల్లా కూడా అన్నారని, తమకు 70 నెలలు, 70 వారాలు పట్టినా తాము కూడా తామనుకున్న లక్ష్యం నుంచి వెనక్కుతగ్గే ప్రసక్తే లేదని తేల్చి చెప్పారు. అలయెన్స్ హోదాలో తమను సమావేశానికి పిలవలేదని, అలా పిలిస్తే ఒక్కరు మాత్రమే వెళ్లేవారని అన్నారు. అదేవిధంగా గుప్‌కార్ అలయెన్స్ విధానానికి విరుద్ధంగా తామేమీ అక్కడ అభిప్రాయాలను చెప్పలేదని ఒమర్ స్పష్టం చేశారు.  

Jammu And Kashmir To Become State Again 'At Right Time', PM Said At Meet

 Jammu And Kashmir To Become State Again 'At Right Time', PM Said At Meet

J&K All-Party Meeting: PM Modi, say sources, said statehood would be restored "at an appropriate time" but urged the parties to get on board with delimitation to enable elections.

All IndiaReported by Akhilesh Sharma, Edited by Deepshikha Ghosh

Updated: June 25, 2021 7:08 am IST

PM's All-Party Meeting: 14 J&K leaders from 8 parties were invited for the meet with PM Modi

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in a meeting with political leaders of Jammu and Kashmir on Thursday, spoke about removing "Dilli ki Doori as well as Dil Ki Doori" and assured his commitment to restoring full statehood at the right time.

Here's your 10-point cheatsheet to this big story:

1

Fourteen mainstream Jammu and Kashmir leaders from eight political parties, including four Chief Ministers, attended the three-hour meeting aimed at getting the political process back on course in the region after it lost its special status under Article 370 of the Constitution in 2019 and was downgraded from a state to two Union Territories - Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.

2

PM Modi, say sources, said statehood would be restored "at an appropriate time" but urged the parties to get on board with delimitation or the redrawing of assembly constituencies to enable elections. Elections can happen soon after delimitation, it was said, and "most participants expressed willingness for it", said sources.

3

"The main focus of the meeting was to strengthen the democratic process. PM said that we are fully committed to the democratic process in J&K. He stressed that the holding assembly elections just like the successful District Development Council elections is a priority," government sources said.

4

Former Chief Ministers Farooq Abdullah and his son Omar Abdullah of the National Conference met with PM Modi last on August 1, 2019. They were stunned when three days later on August 4, they were detained and hours later, the abrogation of Article 370 was announced in parliament.

5

Union Home Minister Amit Shah, while announcing the colossal move in parliament, had said that full statehood would be "restored at an appropriate time". After today's meeting, Mr Shah tweeted: "The future of Jammu and Kashmir was discussed and the delimitation exercise and peaceful elections are important milestones in restoring statehood as promised in parliament."

6

Omar Abdullah, however, told reporters that "almost all leaders" were unhappy with delimitation only in Jammu and Kashmir. "In other states, delimitation will be taken up in 2026, why has been Jammu and Kashmir been singled out? We told the PM delimitation is not needed," said the former Chief Minister, adding that "trust has broken between the Centre and Kashmir".

7

The seven-party Gupkar alliance led by Farooq Abdullah and former Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, accorded front row status with the PM in photos of the meet, pressed for restoration of full statehood and special status. "We will struggle for 370, be it months or years. We didn't get this (special status) from Pakistan, but from India, Nehru. There can be no compromise on this," Ms Mufti said after the meeting.

8

The Prime Minister, said sources, "patiently heard suggestions and inputs from all participants" and expressed happiness that all participants shared their frank and honest views. "It was an open discussion which revolved around building a better future for Kashmir," they said.

9

This was the Centre's first major outreach since August 2019 towards political leaders who have been severely critical of the Article 370 decision. Many of the leaders attending the meeting had been detained as part of security measures to prevent any protests over the sweeping changes.

10

At the meeting, it was also decided that the Jammu and Kashmir Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha would set up a committee to review cases of political prisoners, be it those released - like the Abdullahs and Ms Mufti - and those still in detention.




Kashmir Elections - Meeting with PM

హామీ లేని భేటీ

Jun 26,2021 07:07

https://www.prajasakti.com/haaamaii-laeenai-bhaeetaii

హత్య చేసి హంతకుడే సంతాప సభ నిర్వహించేందుకు సన్నాహక సమావేశం ఏర్పాటు చేస్తే ఎలా వుంటుందో ఇప్పుడు జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌ నేతలతో ప్రధానమంత్రి నరేంద్ర మోడీ గురువారం జరిపిన సమావేశం అలానే అనిపిస్తుంది. విశేష చారిత్రక నేపథ్యంతో జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌కున్న ఆర్టికల్‌ 370ని కనీస సంప్రదింపులు కూడా లేకుండా అత్యంత నిరంకుశంగా 2019 ఆగస్టు 5న రద్దు చేసి ఆ రాష్ట్రాన్ని రెండు కేంద్ర పాలిత ప్రాంతాలుగా ముక్కలు చేసిన సంగతి తెలిసిందే. అటు ఉగ్రవాద మూకలు, ఇటు సొంత సైనికుల దాడుల మధ్య నిత్యం నలిగిపోతూ పరాయీకరణ భావనతో సతమతమౌతున్న కాశ్మీర్‌ ప్రజానీకాన్ని అక్కున చేర్చుకొని భారత జన స్రవంతిలో మమేకం చేయాల్సిన కేంద్రం ఆ బాధ్యతను విస్మరించి నిర్బంధకాండ సాగిస్తూ వచ్చింది. వైద్యం వంటి అత్యవసర సేవలకు ఇంటర్నెట్‌ అవసరమని మొత్తుకున్నా అంతులేని ఆంక్షలు విధించింది. అంతర్జాతీయ సమాజం సైతం ఈ ఆంక్షలను, నిర్బంధ చర్యలను తీవ్రంగా ఆక్షేపించింది. ఈ నేపథ్యంలో జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌ రాజకీయ పక్షాల నేతలను ప్రధానమంత్రి నరేంద్ర మోడీ చర్చలకు ఆహ్వానించడంతో సర్వత్రా ఆసక్తి నెలకొంది. ముందస్తు ఎజెండా ఏదీ కేంద్రం ప్రస్తావించకపోయినా..ప్రజాస్వామ్య ఒరవడికి చర్చలు ఆయువుపట్టు అని భావించిన జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌ నేతలు షరతులేవీ పెట్టకుండానే సమావేశంలో పాల్గొనడం ముదావహం.

నియోజకవర్గాల పునర్విభజన అంశాన్ని ప్రభుత్వం ప్రధానంగా ప్రస్తావించగా..కాశ్మీర్‌ నేతలు 2019 ఆగస్టు 5 నిర్ణయాన్ని అంగీకరించబోమని తేల్చి చెప్పారు. సమావేశం బాగా జరిగిందని, ప్రగతిశీల జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌ దిశగా కొనసాగుతున్న ప్రయత్నాల్లో ఇది ఒక ముఖ్యమైన దశ అని, అలాగే మూలాల నుంచి ప్రజాస్వామ్యాన్ని బలోపేతం చేయడమే లక్ష్యమని చర్చల అనంతరం మోడీ సెలవిచ్చారు. కానీ ఆ సమావేశంలో ఆ దిశగా హామీ ఏదీ ఇవ్వకపోవడం గమనార్హం. శీఘ్రమే నియోజకవర్గాల పునర్విభజన జరిగిపోవాలని కేంద్రం ఉద్ఘాటించినందున రాష్ట్ర హోదా పునరుద్ధరణ అంశం వారి ప్రాధమ్యంలో లేనట్టే కనిపిస్తోంది. ఒక వేళ పునరుద్ధరణకు సిద్ధమైతే కేంద్రపాలిత ప్రాంతంగా ఉన్న జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌కు ఎన్నికలు జరపాల్సిన అవసరమే ఉండదు. నియోజకవర్గాల పునర్విభజన ఊసూ ఉండదు. ఒక వేళ హామీ ఇచ్చినా..ఆర్టికల్‌ 370 రద్దు చేసిననాడే తగిన సమయంలో జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌కు రాష్ట్ర హోదా పునరుద్ధరిస్తామని ప్రకటించినందున అదేమీ ఇప్పుడు కొత్త కాదు.

కేేంద్ర పాలిత ప్రాంతంగా జరిగే ఎన్నికల్లో గెలిచేదెవరైనా పెత్తనం కేంద్రానిదే. నియోజకవర్గాల పునర్విభజనపై కేంద్రం పట్టు పడుతున్నది ఆ పెత్తనం కోసమే. గతంలో మాదిరి ఏకపక్ష ధోరణి ప్రదర్శించకుండా ప్రజాస్వామ్య పద్ధతుల్లో చేశామని చెప్పుకోవడానికే ఈ సమావేశం తప్ప కాశ్మీరీల క్షేమం కోరి మాత్రం కాదన్నది స్పష్టం. కేంద్రం కోరినట్టు నియోజకవర్గాల పునర్విభజన (డీలిమిటేషన్‌)ను అంగీకరించడమంటే రాష్ట్ర హోదా పునరుద్ధరణ అంశాన్ని విస్మరించడమే. చర్చలకు హాజరైన నేతలు ప్రధానంగా పీపుల్స్‌ అలయన్స్‌ ఫర్‌ గుప్కార్‌ డిక్లరేషన్‌ (పిఎజిడి)కి చెందిన ఆరు పార్టీల నేతల అభిప్రాయాల్లోనూ ఈ ఆందోళనే వ్యక్తమైంది. అందువల్లే రాజ్యాంగ హక్కులను లాగేసుకున్న కేంద్రం జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌కు తిరిగి ఆ హక్కులను పనరుద్ధరించాలని, ఆగస్టు 5 నాటి చర్యను ఎంతమాత్రమూ అంగీకరించబోమని ప్రధాని ఎదుటే వారు కుండబద్దలు కొట్టారు.

అధికారంలోకి వచ్చిన నాటి నుంచీ తాను చెప్పిందే వేదం అన్నట్టు ఏకపక్ష నిర్ణయాలతో దూకుడు కొనసాగించిన మోడీ సర్కార్‌కు ఇటీవల ఎదురుదెబ్బలు తగులుతున్నాయి. బీహార్‌తో మొదలైన పరాభవాల పరంపర ఇటీవలి 5 రాష్ట్రాల ఎన్నికల్లోనూ ప్రజాగ్రహ తీవ్రతను బాగానే రుచి చూసింది. ఢిల్లీ పీఠంపై పట్టుకు అత్యంత ప్రధానమైన ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్‌ ఎన్నికలు ఇంకోవైపు తరుముకొస్తున్నాయి. ప్రభుత్వ వ్యతిరేకతకు తోడు సొంతింటి కుమ్ములాటలు పెరుగుతున్నాయి. ఒంటెత్తు పోకడలు చెల్లుబాటు కాబోవనే 'ప్రజాస్వామ్య' ముసుగు తొడిగిందన్న వాదనలు వినిపిస్తున్నాయి. ఏది ఏమైనా జమ్ము-కాశ్మీర్‌ 2019 ఆగస్టు 5 నాటికి ముందున్న రీతిలో ప్రత్యేక ప్రతిపత్తితో సహా అంతా పునరుద్ధరించడమే పరిష్కారం. ఆ దిశగా కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం ఇప్పటికైనా చర్యలు చేపట్టాలి. 

Friday, June 25, 2021

బీజేపీ ఎంపీ ప్ర‌జ్ఞా మరోమారు వివాదాస్పద వ్యాఖ్యలు

 బీజేపీ ఎంపీ ప్ర‌జ్ఞా మరోమారు వివాదాస్పద వ్యాఖ్యలు

Jun 26 2021


భోపాల్ (మధ్యప్రదేశ్): ముంబై ఉగ్ర దాడుల్లో మరణించిన మహారాష్ట్ర ఏటీఎస్ చీఫ్ హేమంత్ కర్కరేపై భోపాల్ బీజేపీ ఎంపీ ప్ర‌జ్ఞా ఠాకూర్‌ మరోసారి వివాదాస్పద వ్యాఖ్యలు చేశారు. తనపై తప్పుడు కేసు పెట్టి, తప్పుడు సాక్ష్యాలు సేకరించారని కర్కరేపై ప్ర‌జ్ఞా ఠాకూర్‌ ఆరోపణలు చేశారు.భోపాల్ నగరంలో జరిగిన ఓ కార్యక్రమంలో ప్ర‌జ్ఞా ఠాకూర్‌ మాట్లాడుతూ ఈ వివాదాస్పద వ్యాఖ్యలు చేశారు.2008 వ సంవత్సరంలో మాలేగావ్ పేలుడు కేసులో తనను అరెస్టు చేసినపుడు ఎమర్జెన్సీ లాంటి పరిస్థితి నెలకొందని ఆమె చెప్పారు. ‘‘ప్రజలు హేమంత్ కర్కరేను దేశభక్తుడు అని పిలుస్తారు, కాని నిజమైన దేశభక్తులు అయిన వారు అతన్ని దేశభక్తుడిగా పిలవరు’’ అని భోపాల్ ఎంపీ ఠాకూర్ అన్నారు.

Can't Leave Congress Out Of Alternative Front To Fight BJP: Sharad Pawar

 Can't Leave Congress Out Of Alternative Front To Fight BJP: Sharad Pawar

Sharad Pawar's meetings with political strategist Prashant Kishor have generated many headlines over the past few weeks, but a meeting at his home on Tuesday was watched and dissected with interest.

All IndiaReported by Saurabh Gupta, Edited by Deepshikha GhoshUpdated: June 25, 2021 8:20 pm IST

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Sharad Pawar also called for "collective leadership" if any front is considered (File)



50

Mumbai: The Congress cannot be left out of any alternative front to take on the BJP, senior politician Sharad Pawar said Friday, days after a meeting at his home in Delhi sparked wild speculation about Third Front moves for the 2024.

"An alliance was not discussed in the (Rashtra Manch) meeting but if an alternative force is to be raised, it will be done only by taking Congress together. We need power like that and I had said this in that meeting," the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief was quoted as saying by news agency ANI.


He also called for "collective leadership" if any front is considered. Asked if he would lead the new front, he quipped: "Sharad Pawar has tried this many times before."


Sharad Pawar's meetings with political strategist Prashant Kishor have generated many headlines over the past few weeks, but a meeting at his home on Tuesday was watched and dissected with interest.


Mr Pawar, it turned out, was the host but the meeting was organised by the Rashtra Manch, a forum founded by former Union Minister Yashwant Sinha.


While representatives of eight political parties attended the meet, apart from well-known legal luminaries and journalists, there was nothing political about the gathering, said the organisers, underscoring that it was a discussion on current issues before the nation.


Notably, the Congress was missing though three leaders were invited.


Though meetings like this raise talk about a non-BJP, non-Congress front, some parties like the Left believe that any offensive to take on the might of the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi will need a pan-Indian party like the Congress.


There was no discussion of a political front at the Tuesday meeting, said Mr Pawar, a veteran of coalitions, a skilled negotiator and one of India's most experienced politicians with a vast experience in the government.


On a leadership role for him in any Third Front to take on the BJP in the next general election in 2024, he said: "We haven't discussed but I think we'll have to go ahead by taking a role of collective leadership. I did this for years but right now I'll work for keeping everyone together, guiding and strengthening them."


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Mr Pawar is familiar to the role of rallying parties together. He is credited with alliances as inconceivable as the ideologically opposed Shiv Sena-NCP-Congress government in Maharashtra.


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Wednesday, June 23, 2021

Bengal BJP Cautions Leaders Against Commenting On Division Of State

 Bengal BJP Cautions Leaders Against Commenting On Division Of State

The development comes after BJP MPs John Barla and Saumitra Khan demanded an UT for north Bengal and a separate state comprising Junglemahal region and other areas of south Bengal respectively.

All IndiaPress Trust of IndiaUpdated: June 23, 2021 4:54 am IST

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Bengal BJP Cautions Leaders Against Commenting On Division Of State

State BJP chief Dilip Ghosh said the party is against any form of division of West Bengal (File).



14

Kolkata: Amid rising criticism against the BJP over proposals by two of its MP for creating a union territory and a state by carving out parts of West Bengal, the party's leadership on Tuesday cautioned leaders against violating the party line, which is against any division of the state.

The development comes days after BJP MP from Alipurduar John Barla and Bishnupur MP Saumitra Khan stoked a controversy by demanding a Union Territory for north Bengal districts and a separate state comprising the Junglemahal region and other areas of south Bengal respectively.


"Some of our leaders have made certain comments in their personal capacity. It has nothing to do with our party line or opinion, which is against any form of division of Bengal. Everybody has to toe the party line as a loyal soldier. The violation of party line won't be tolerated," BJP state president Dilip Ghosh said.


Within hours of Mr Ghosh's statement, Mr Khan said that he has made those comments in his personal capacity. "I sought a separate state for the Junglemahal area as it is the demand of the locals. There has been no development in the region. My comments are not the view of the party," Mr Khan said.


Mr Barla is yet to react to Mr Ghosh's statement.



Ruling Trinamool Congress spokesperson Sougata Ray sought to know why the BJP is not expelling Mr Barla and Mr Khan for violating the party line.


"If the BJP does not endorse the statements of its MPs, why is it not expelling them? The party is planning to create unrest in the state," the senior TMC MP said.


14

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(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Mayawati, Congress Poor As Allies, Will Fight Alone: Akhilesh Yadav To NDTV

 Mayawati, Congress Poor As Allies, Will Fight Alone: Akhilesh Yadav To NDTV

Akhilesh Yadav predicted the BJP's defeat, saying people want change and accusing Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath of blocking development, and encouraging corruption and oppression during his rule.

All IndiaReported by Sreenivasan Jain, Edited by Deepshikha GhoshUpdated: June 23, 2021 3:13 pm IST

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Akhilesh Yadav said the Samajwadi Party is targeting 350 of UP's 403 seats.



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New Delhi: Singed by his failed collaborations with Mayawati and the Congress, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav today ruled out any tie-up for the Uttar Pradesh election next year and said his party would join forces with like-minded smaller parties.

The former Chief Minister also predicted the BJP's defeat and accused Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath of blocking development, and encouraging corruption and oppression during his rule. People now want change, he said.


"My experience with big parties is not good, I will not get into any alliance with them," Akhilesh Yadav told NDTV in an exclusive interview.


"Those who want to defeat the BJP, I appeal to them to help the Samajwadi Party."


Ruling out a "Bua-Bhatija" repeat act after his 2019 alliance with Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) flopped, Mr Yadav admitted that a few BSP leaders were in touch with him.


On the Congress, he said the party was too weak in UP to beat the BJP. "We did not have a good experience with them in 2017 - we gave them over 100 seats but we could not win. The people of UP have rejected the Congress," said Mr Yadav, sidestepping a question on Priyanka Gandhi Vadra's mission to rebuild the Congress in the state.


He said the Samajwadi Party was targeting 350 of UP's 403 seats in the crucial election that is widely seen as a test of voters' pulse ahead of the 2024 national election, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi's BJP will seek re-election and a third straight term in power.


"The BJP is going to lose the upcoming UP elections... they failed the people of UP in the biggest test of their leadership. People were abandoned by the government," Mr Yadav said.


"Their so-called double-engine government - at the Centre and in UP - is going in different directions."

Dalits burn Mayawati’s effigy,

Agra: Dalits burn Mayawati’s effigy, posters over her silence on Hathras case

Jatav Mahapanchayat president Ramvir Singh Kardam said 'it is very disheartening to see that Mayawati does not have the same regards for the Dalits as they have for her'.

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Siraj Qureshi

Siraj Qureshi

Agra

October 9, 2020UPDATED: October 9, 2020 00:16 IST

 

People burn posters of Mayawati in Agra on Thursday. (Photo: Siraj Qureshi / India Today)

The Agra division is considered to be a major Dalit stronghold. BSP supremo Mayawati makes it a point to start her electoral campaigns with a public meeting in Agra, and has always said that "Agra has proved lucky for her and her party".



However, the Dalits in Agra burned posters and effigies of Mayawati in protest against her silence over the Hathras case.


Jatav Mahapanchayat president, Ramvir Singh Kardam, told India Today that "it is very disheartening to see that Mayawati does not have the same regards for the Dalits as they have for her. He said that till date, "Mayawati has not even cared to visit the house of the Dalit girl who was gang-raped by four upper caste men in Hathras". He said that senior leaders of all the political parties have gone to Hathras to meet the bereaved family and even faced police lathi charge. "However, Mayawati sat comfortably in her house worth crores. The Jatav Mahapanchayat strongly opposes her silence who claims to be a Dalit leader," he added.


BSP City president, Vimal Kumar, and nearly a dozen of workers said that burning an effigy of Mayawati and her party posters is a violation of CrPC Section 144, as well as "a violation of the faith the Dalit community holds in Mayawati". A complaint about this incident has been filed and a criminal case has been registered against some unidentified people.


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Dalit leader and social activist, Rajkumar Nagrath, said the "farce" by some Dalits, of throwing ink on the face of AAP leader Sanjay Singh, was "unacceptable" and he has personally sent a memorandum to President Ram Nath Kovind for the removal of Yogi Adityanath from the chief minister's post, besides ensuring that the person who threw ink on Sanjay Singh is sent to jail.


Meanwhile, the Akhil Bhartiya Jat Mahasabha held a virtual meeting and condemned the lathi-charge on RLD vice-president Jayant Chowdhary and demanded action against those behind it. They said "this was an attack on the self-respect of the Jat community and if action is not taken against the culprits, the Jat community can go up to the extent of burning an effigy of Yogi Adityanath".


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Social activist Deep Sharma said in near future, several states are going to assembly polls, and probably this is the reason why "senior political leaders are jumping in the fray to catch the maximum limelight in the Hathras case". He said Congress has been quite successful in being on headlines, first in Hathras and then in Punjab, and this could be a major plus point for Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's leadership in the upcoming elections in Uttar Pradesh, if he can continue the momentum till the Uttar Pradesh polls. As far as Bihar poll is concerned, Congress does not have much ground there and it is more of a bilateral fight between the RJD and the JDU-BJP combine.


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End politics, time for everyone to gain from vaccination: Mayawati

 End politics, time for everyone to gain from vaccination: Mayawati

It is important to bring politics to an end vis-a-vis the vaccination process in order to ensure that people across the country gain from it, BSP Supremo Mayawati said on Tuesday

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Mayawati | Coronavirus Vaccine


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Last Updated at June 22, 2021 13:15 IST

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Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati addresses a press conference, in New Delhi on Monday.

Bahujan Samaj Party Chief Mayawati

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It is important to bring politics to an end vis-a-vis the vaccination process in order to ensure that people across the country gain from it, BSP Supremo Mayawati said on Tuesday.


There have been enough politics, controversy and allegations regarding the manufacture of vaccines and people have borne the brunt of it, she said in a tweet.



But now it's important to put an end to controversy and make an all-round effort into providing its benefit to all, she added.


In a related tweet, she said that vaccination was necessary with proper support and encouragement to scientists and other experts.


She demanded from the central and all the state governments to strengthen the basic health services.


Mayawati hopes PM Modi's Kashmir meet will help in taking concrete decisions

The Centre should intensify efforts to restore the situation in Jammu and Kashmir at the earliest as per its promise and claim, Mayawati said in a tweet.



Published: 23rd June 2021 12:34 PM  |   Last Updated: 23rd June 2021 12:34 PM  |  A+A A-

BSP supremo MayawatiBSP supremo Mayawati (File photo| PTI)By PTI

LUCKNOW: BSP president Mayawati on Wednesday termed as a "proper initiative" the meeting convened by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Kashmir, and hoped that it would prove helpful in taking some concrete decisions.


Fourteen leaders from Jammu and Kashmir have been invited to the meeting to be chaired by the prime minister on Thursday to discuss the future course of action for the union territory.




In a tweet in Hindi, the BSP president said, “The meeting of 14 leaders of Jammu and Kashmir at the level of PM Narendra Modi on June 24 is a proper initiative. Hope this meeting, which comes after a gap of about two years, will prove fruitful in taking some concrete decisions and will also be helpful on (issues like) restoration of statehood of Jammu and Kashmir etc.”


"At the same time, the early completion of delimitation of Jammu and Kashmir Assembly seats and general elections are such issues on which the eyes of the country are focussed.


The Centre should intensify efforts to restore the situation in Jammu and Kashmir at the earliest as per its promise and claim," she said in another tweet.


The meeting is the first such exercise since the Centre announced the abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir's special status under Article 370 of the Constitution and its bifurcation into union territories on August 5, 2019.



मायावती ने PM मोदी की इस काम के लिए जमकर तारीफ की, जानिए क्या कहा

कल 24 जून को प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी की जम्मू-कश्मीर के 14 प्रमुख नेताओं के साथ बैठक होने वाली है. मायावती ने इसी को लेकर ट्वीट किया है.


मायावती ने PM मोदी की इस काम के लिए जमकर तारीफ की, जानिए क्या कहा

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ज़ी न्यूज़ डेस्क

Updated:

Jun 23, 2021, 12:43 PM IST

नई दिल्ली: बसपा सुप्रीमो मायावती ने जम्मू-कश्मीर को लेकर प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी की पहल की तारीफ की है. मायावती ने गुरुवार को प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी के साथ जम्मू कश्मीर के नेताओं की होने वाली बैठक का स्वागत किया. 


साथ ही उन्होंने उम्मीद जताई कि इस बैठक में जम्मू-कश्मीर को पूर्ण राज्य का दर्जा दिए जाने को लेकर कुछ ठोस पहल की जाएगी.


बसपा अध्यक्ष मायावती ने ट्वीट किया, 'सीधे पीएम श्री नरेंद्र मोदी के स्तर पर जम्मू-कश्मीर के संबंध में वहां के 14 लीडरों की कल 24 जून की बैठक उचित पहल. करीब दो वर्ष के अंतराल के बाद की यह बैठक कुछ ठोस फैसलों के साथ सार्थक सिद्ध होगी व जम्मू-कश्मीर राज्य की पुनः बहाली आदि के लिए भी मददगार साबित होगी, ऐसी आशा.'


1. सीधे पीएम श्री नरेन्द्र मोदी के स्तर पर जम्मू-कश्मीर के सम्बंध में वहाँ के 14 लीडरों की कल 24 जून की बैठक उचित पहल। करीब दो वर्ष के अन्तराल के बाद की यह बैठक कुछ ठोस फैसलों के साथ सार्थक सिद्ध होगी व जम्मू-कश्मीर राज्य की पुनः बहाली आदि के लिए भी मददगार साबित होगी, ऐसी आशा।


2. साथ ही, जम्मू-कश्मीर विधानसभा सीटों के लिए जारी नए परिसीमन के काम की यथाशीघ्र समाप्ति व वहाँ आमचुनाव आदि ऐसे मुद्दे हैं जिनपर देश की निगाहें लगी हुई हैं। केन्द्र को अपने वादे व दावे के मुताबिक जम्मू-कश्मीर में स्थिति को जल्द बहाल करने का प्रयास तेज करना चाहिए, बीएसपी की सलाह।





Tuesday, June 22, 2021

India Gate - A Krishna Rao ఇది ఎవరి ప్రభుత్వం?

 ఇండియా గేట్ 

ఇది ఎవరి ప్రభుత్వం?


కోవిడ్-19కు గురై మరణించిన వారి కుటుంబ సభ్యులకు  నష్టపరిహారం చెల్లించడం కష్టమని, కేంద్ర, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాల వద్ద ఆర్థిక వనరులు సరిపోవని కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం ఇటీవల సుప్రీంకోర్టుకు సమర్పించిన అఫిడవిట్ లో పేర్కొంది. ఇప్పటికే పన్ను ఆదాయాలు తగ్గిపోయిన రీత్యా నష్టపరిహారం చెల్లిస్తే ఆర్థిక వ్యవస్థపై అదనపు భారం పడుతుందని, ఇతర ఆరోగ్య సంక్షేమ కార్యక్రమాలకు వ్యయం తగ్గిపోతుందని కేంద్రం స్పష్టంగా తెలిపింది. కోవిడ్ మరణాలను  వరదలు,తుఫాన్లు, ఇతర ప్రకృతి వైపరీత్యాలగురై  మరణించడంతో పోల్చలేమని చెప్పింది. అవును. కరోనా మహమ్మారి కి గురై రోజుకు వందలమంది మరణించడం, ఒకరోజు దాదాపు 5వేలమంది కూడా మరణించడం, మరణమే తప్ప మరో వార్త కనపడకపోవడం వైపరీత్యం  కానే కాదు. ఒకటా,రెండా, ప్రభుత్వ లెక్కల ప్రకారమే 

3.90 లక్షల మంది మరణించారు.  కుటుంబాలకు కుటుంబాలు తుడిచిపెట్టుకుపోయాయి, శ్మశానాలలో కూడా రోజుల తరబడి శవదహనాలకు స్థలం సరిపోలేదు. గంగానదిలో శవాలను పడేయాల్సిన పరిస్థితి ఏర్పడింది. ఎందరు అనాథలయ్యారో, ఎందరి ఇళ్లు ఖాళీ అయ్యాయో తెలియదు. అయినా ఇది వైపరీత్యాల చట్టం పరిధిలోకి రాదు కనుక నష్టపరిహారం చెల్లించడం కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వానికి తలకు మించిన భారమే అవుతుంది.


ఆర్థిక వ్యవస్థ ఈ నష్టపరిహారం బాధను భరించగల స్థితిలో లేదని కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం చెబుతోంది. నిజమే. 2025 నాటికి 5 లక్షల కోట్ల ఆర్థిక వ్యవస్థను సాధించగలమని రెండేళ్ల క్రితం మోదీ ప్రభుత్వం ఎంతో విశ్వాసంతో పార్లమెంట్ లో ప్రకటించింది. కాని ఇప్పుడున్న పరిస్థితుల్లో అందులో సగం కూడా సాధిస్తామో లేదో అన్న సందేహాలు ఏర్పడుతున్నాయి. ద్రవ్యోల్బణం పెరిగిపోతోంది, అంతర్జాతీయ చమురు ధరలు ఆకాశానికి తాకుతున్నాయి. నిరుద్యోగం గత 45 సంవత్సరాల్లోఎన్నడూ లేనంతగా పెరిగిపోయింది. లక్షలాది మంది ఉద్యోగాలు కోల్పోయారు. గత ఏడాది నిరుద్యోగ రేటు 9.84 శాతం ఉండగా అది 24.08 శాతానికి పెరిగిందని సెంటర్ ఫర్ మానిటరింగ్ ఇండియన్ ఎకానమీ (సిఎంఐఇ) సంస్థ అంచనా వేసింది. మోదీ ప్రభుత్వం గొప్పగా ప్రచారం చేసిన మేక్ ఇన్ ఇండియా ప్రకారం భారత దేశం ఒక అంతర్జాతీయ ఉత్పత్తి కేంద్రంగా మారి ఉండాలి, కాని ఎగుమతులు స్తంభించిపోగా, ఉత్పాదక రంగంలోకూడా స్తబ్దత ఏర్పడిందని సెంటర్ ఫర్ ఎకనమిక్ డాటా వంటి సంస్థలు చెబుతున్నాయి. కార్పొరేట్ పన్నుతోసహా పన్ను ఆదాయాలు, రిటర్నులు పడిపోయాయని, మొత్తం మీద దేశంలో ఆదాయాల పడిపోయాయని ఆర్థిక మంత్రిత్వ శాఖకు చెందిన నేషనల్ ఇనిస్టిట్యూట్ ఆఫ్ పబ్లిక్ పైనాన్స్ అండ్ పాలసీ (ఎన్ ఐ పిఎఫ్ పి) జరిపిన ఒక అధ్యయనంలో తేలింది. 2020-21లో వివిధ రాష్ట్రాల స్వంత పన్ను ఆదాయం పడిపోవడం మాత్రమే కాదు, కేంద్ర పన్నుల్లో రాష్ట్రాల వాటా కూడా పడిపోయింది, అందుకు కారణం కేంద్ర పన్నుల సేకరణ తగ్గిపోవడం. ఒక్క వ్యవసాయం తప్ప సరుకులు, ప్రయాణీకుల రవాణాతో పాటు అన్ని కార్యకలాపాలు దెబ్బతినడంతో జీడీపీ అభివృద్ది రేటు కూడా పడిపోయింది. జీడీపీ పడిపోయిందంటే ఆదాయాలు పడిపోవడమే.దీని ప్రభావం వ్యయాలపై తదనుగుణంగా ఉండక తప్పదు.97 శాతం భారతీయ కుటుంబాల వాస్తవఆదాయం పడిపోయిందని సిఎంఇఐ తెలిపింది. 2021-22 కేంద్ర బడ్జెట్ సవరించిన అంచనాల ప్రకారం ద్రవ్యలోటు 18.5 లక్షల కోట్లు, రాష్ట్రాల అదనపు లోటుతో కలిసి ఇది 25.5 లక్షల కోట్లకు చేరుకుంటుందని, అది జీడీపీలో 13.5 శాతం ఉంటుందని ఎన్ ఐ పిఎఫ్ పి అంచనా. మొత్తం అప్పులే 2020-21లో జీడీపీలో 90 శాతం ఉంటాయని, కరోనా మహమ్మారి ఆర్థిక బాధ్యత బడ్జెట్ నిర్వహణ (ఎఫ్ ఆర్ బిఎం) చట్టాన్ని అర్థరహితంగా మార్చిందని అది స్పష్టం చేసింది. దేశంలో అతి పెద్ద బ్యాంకు అయిన స్టేట్ బ్యాంక్ ఆఫ్ ఇండియా తో పాటు అనేక రేటింగ్ ఏజెన్సీలు కూడా తన అభివృద్ది రేటు అంచనాలను  తగ్గించాయి. తలసరి అదాయంలో బంగ్లాదేశ్ కూడా భారత్ ను అధిగమించింది. ఆరోగ్య, ఆర్థిక అత్యవసరపరిస్థితుల మూలంగా ప్రజలు ఇతరత్రా వినియోగసరుకులపై ఖర్చుపెట్టే పరిస్థితుల్లో లేరు. నిత్యావసర వస్తువుల ధరలు కూడా పెరిగిపోవడంతో మార్కెట్ లో ఇతరవస్తువుల డిమాండ్ పడిపోయింది. అంతటా ఆర్థిక అస్థిరత్వం తాండవిస్తోంది.

మరో వైపు బ్యాంకుల రుణాల ఎగవేతలు విపరీతంగా పెరిగిపోతున్నాయని, భవిష్యత్ లో ఇది మరింత పెరిగిపోవచ్చునని బ్యాంకర్ల డాటాను బట్టి తెలుస్తున్నది. భారత దేశంలో ఇప్పుడు అత్యంత వేగంగా జరుగుతున్న పని ఏమైనా ఉన్నదంటే బ్యాంకులు భారీ ఎత్తున రుణాలను రద్దు చేయడం. గత ఏడాదితో పోలిస్తే ఈ ఏడాది మార్చి అంతానికి 15 శాతం అధికంగా బ్యాంకులు రుణాలను రద్దు చేశాయి. తమ నిరర్థక ఆస్తులను తగ్గించి చూపడమే వాటి ఉద్దేశం కాని ఆ రుణాలను తిరిగి వసూలు చేయగల శక్తి బ్యాంకులకు లేకుండా పోయింది. ప్రధానంగా బడా ఎగవేతదారులనుంచి  ఏ మాత్రం రుణాలను వసూలు చేయగల ధైర్యం వాటికి లేదు. ఎగవేతదారులతో లాలూచీ కూడా ఇందుకు కారణమని అంచనాలు వినపడుతున్నాయి. ఒకసారి బాలన్స్ షీట్ లో రద్దయిన రుణాలకు స్థానం లేకుండా పోయిన తర్వాత వాటి గురించి ఎవరూ పట్టించుకోరు. ఒక్క స్టేట్ బ్యాంక్ ఆఫ్ ఇండియానే గత 8 ఏళ్లలో రూ. 1.23లక్షలకోట్ల మొండి రుణాలను రద్దు చేయగా,  కేవలం రూ. 8,969 కోట్లను మాత్రమే వసూలు చేయగలిగింది. 

మోదీ అధికారంలోకి వచ్చినప్పటి నుంచీ  ప్రతి ఏటా దాదాపు రూ. 2 లక్షల కోట్లకు పైగా  రుణాలను రద్దు చేస్తున్నా మొండి బాకీలు  పెరిగిపోతున్నాయి, రిజర్వు బ్యాంకు తాజా నివేదిక ప్రకారం ఈ మొండిబాకీలు 2021 సెప్టెంబర్ నాటికి 7.5 శాతం నుంచి 15 శాతం పెరిగిపోవచ్చని తేలుతోంది. 2020 డిసెంబర్ నాటికి గత పదేళ్లలోరూ. 8,83,168 కోట్ల మేరకు బ్యాంకులు రుణాలను రద్దు చేశాయి. కేంద్రంలో బిజెపి ప్రభుత్వం అధికారంలోకి వచ్చినప్పటి నుంచీ ఈ రుణాల రద్దు విపరీతంగా పెరిగిపోతోంది. ఇలా బ్యాంకు రుణాలు రద్దయిన కంపెనీల జాబితాలో విదేశాలకు పారిపోయిన మెహుల్ చోక్సీ కంపెనీ గీతాంజలి జెమ్స్ ప్రథమ స్థానంలోఉన్నది, ఆ సంస్థకు చెందిన రూ. 5492 కోట్లను రద్దు చేశారు. చోక్సీకి చెందిన ఇతర సంస్థలు గిలి ఇండియా, నక్షత్ర బాండ్స్ రుణాలను కూడా రు, 2500 కోట్ల మేరకు రద్దు చేశారు. రుణాలు ఎగవేసిన వారిలో 9వ స్థానంలో ఉన్న విజయ మాల్యా కు చెందిన రూ.1943 కోట్లను రద్దు చేశారు,దేశంలో అగ్ర స్థానంలో ఉన్న పదిమంది ఎగవేతదారులు ప్రభుత్వ బ్యాంకులకు రూ. 17,005 కోట్లను చెల్లించాల్సిఉంది. విజయ్ మాల్యా అయితే బ్యాంకులకు ఎగవేసి పారిపోయారు కాని మెహుల్ చోక్సీ, నీరవ్ మోదీలు నకిలీ డాక్యుమెంట్లు సృష్టించి విదేశాలలో కూడా భారత్ బ్యాంకులనుంచి డబ్బులు పిండుకున్నారు. 

మరో విచిత్రమైన విషయం ఏమంటే ఖాయిలా, దివాళా కోడ్ వచ్చిన తర్వాత ఇష్టారాజ్యంగా సెటిల్ మెంట్ల చేసి బ్యాంకులను వేల కోట్లు ముంచుతున్నారు. ఈ సెటిల్ మెంట్లు అస్మదీయులకు ఒకరకంగా, ఇతరులకు మరో రకంగా ఉంటున్నాయి.ఉదాహరణకు  శివా ఇండస్ట్రీస్ అనే సంస్థ వివిధ బ్యాంకులకు  రూ. 4863 కోట్ల మేరకు బాకీ ఉన్నది.ఈ కంపెనీ దివాలా ప్రకటించి నేషనల్ కంపెనీ లా ట్రిబ్యునల్ కు వెళ్లి ఇరువర్గాలు సామరస్యంగా పరిష్కరించేందుకు గ్రీన్ సిగ్నల్ తెచ్చుకుంది. తాను చెల్లించాల్సిన రూ. 4863 కోట్లకు బదులు కేవలం రూ. 323 కోట్లు చెల్లిస్తామని, వెంటనే రూ. 5 కోట్లు చెల్లించి మిగతా మొత్తాన్ని ఆరునెలల్లో కడతామని చెప్పింది, వచ్చిందే మహా ఎక్కువ అనుకున్న రుణదాతల (బ్యాంకుల) కమిటీ అందుకు సంతోషంగా  ఒప్పుకుంది. అంటే తామిచ్చిన మొత్తంలో 94 శాతం కోల్పోవడానికి సిద్దపడిందన్నమాట. ఎంతటి మహత్తర అవకాశం! కాని అన్ని సంస్థలకూ ఇలాంటి గొప్పఅవకాశాలు లభించవు. వీడియోకాన్ గ్రూప్ తాము చెల్లించాల్సిన రూ.62 వేల కోట్లకు బదులు రూ. 40 వేల కోట్లు చెల్లిస్తామని, ఏడాదికి రూ, 2వేల కోట్ల చొప్పున కట్టగలమని పేర్కొంది. అందుకు రుణదాతల కమిటీ అంగీకరించలేదు. పైగా ఆ కంపెనీని వేదాంత గ్రూప్ కు చెందిన మరో  కంపెనీకి రూ. 3వేల కోట్లకు అమ్మేసుకుంది. మిగతా రూ. 59 వేల  కోట్లు మునిగిపోవడానికి బ్యాంకులు తమంతట తాము సిద్దపడడం వెనుక ఏ రహస్య హస్తం పనిచేసింది? దివాన్ హౌజింగ్ పైనాన్స్ సంస్థ రూ. లక్ష కోట్లు చెల్లించాల్సి ఉంటే, దాన్ని ప్రసిద్ది చెందిన పిరమల్ గ్రూప్ (అంబానీ వియ్యంకుడిది) 37.5 వేల కోట్లకు కొనుగోలు చేసేందుకు బ్యాంకర్లు వీలు కల్పించారు. ఇదే విధంగా రాందేవ్ బాబా కు చెందిన పతంజలి సంస్థ రుచి సోయా అనే సంస్థను కొనుగోలు చేసేందుకు బ్యాంకులు రూ. 3200 కోట్లు రుణాలు ఇచ్చాయి. ఆ తర్వాత ఆ రుచి సోయా చెల్లించాల్సిన రూ.2212 కోట్లను బ్యాంకులు రద్దు చేశాయి. 

దేశంలో  లక్షల కోట్ల మేరకు బ్యాంకులు నష్టపోతుంటే, బ్యాంకులను ముంచే విధంగా ఎన్ సి ఎల్ టి, దివాళా కోడ్ ల పేరిట లావాదేవీలు జరుగుతుంటే ప్రభుత్వం ఏమి చేస్తుందో ఆలోచించాల్సి ఉన్నది. ఇదంతా ప్రజాధనం అని దానికి తెలియదా? నేను తినను, తిననివ్వను, చౌకీదారును అన్న నినాదాలు ఇస్తే సరిపోతుందా?కరోనా వాతపడిన కుటుంబాలు రోడ్డున పడితే నష్టపరిహారం ఇవ్వలేమని,  రైతుల రుణాలపై వడ్డీని రద్దు చేయలేమని సుప్రీంకోర్టుకు చెప్పడానికి మాత్రం ఆర్థిక సమస్యలు అడ్డు వస్తాయా? ఇంతకీ ఇది ఎవరి ప్రభుత్వం?


ఎ.కృష్ణారావు

(ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి ఢిల్లీ ప్రతినిధి).23-6-2021

The Mayawati era is over. Bye Bye Behenji

 The Mayawati era is over. Bye Bye Behenji

Unable to reinvent herself, BSP chief Mayawati is left with no straws to clutch at.

Shivam VijSHIVAM VIJ 27 January, 2020 3:06 pm IST


File photo of BSP supremo Mayawati | Nand Kumar/PTI

File photo of BSP supremo Mayawati | Nand Kumar | PTI

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Last week, more than a thousand workers of the Bahujan Samaj Party in Basti district of eastern Uttar Pradesh quit and joined, wait for it, the Samajwadi Party. They were led by a local BSP leader of some standing, along with one former MP and two former MLAs.


This is no big deal, sympathisers of Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) might say. People have been joining and leaving the BSP forever. The vote is cast in Mayawati’s name. The rest are mercenaries for hire.



But it’s different this time. Mayawati’s supporters and voters are no longer sure if Mayawati still commands the unquestioned loyalty of Dalit voters.


Also read: The unlikely winners in a CAA debate between Amit Shah and Owaisi, Kejriwal, Mayawati


Spoilsport Behenji

The proof was the 2019 Lok Sabha election. The Samajwadi Party (SP) and the BSP fought on almost equal number of seats. The BSP won 10, the SP five – a clear indication that many Dalit voters did not listen to Mayawati’s advice to vote for the SP.



VDO.AI

If Mayawati is unable to make her vote transfer, is she really the supreme leader of Dalits?


But Dalits might still vote for Mayawati, the BSP could argue. If the elephant is there on the EVM, their motor memory won’t allow them to vote for anyone else.


Although, even that seems to be increasingly doubtful. Mayawati’s hold over the Dalit vote is facing a multi-pronged attack. It is significant that politicians from the Basti district are joining the SP, and not the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or the Congress. Akhilesh Yadav has been able to project an image that is different from how Dalits have so far seen the Samajwadi Party.


When Mayawati blamed the SP, called it names, and unilaterally broke the alliance after the 2019 Lok Sabha election result, Akhilesh Yadav did not respond. He continues to wish her on her birthday. This has made Mayawati seem like the spoilsport in the larger purpose of joining forces against the incumbent BJP, while Akhilesh Yadav comes across as the good guy.


Also read: Sonia, Mamata, Mayawati era receding. India is only grooming men as gen-next politicians


Generational change

There’s another threat that Mayawati faces: Chandrashekhar Azad of Saharanpur. Mayawati is so rattled by the Bhim Army chief that she names him in her press conferences, and accuses him of being a part of the conspiracy to cut BSP votes. But Chandrashekhar Azad has become a face of curiosity and aspiration in Uttar Pradesh politics. Azad wants to do agitational politics, shake things up, be a force of disruption. Mayawati wants to stick to her old formulas that stopped working in 2014.



Chandrashekhar Azad has already announced that he intends to launch his own political party. Whether this party will contest all seats in Uttar Pradesh in 2022, or enter into an alliance with the SP or Congress, remains to be seen. The amount of traction he would get can also only be a matter of speculation. But Mayawati is making sure that Chandrashekhar Azad becomes a well-known figure for Dalits across Uttar Pradesh by naming him in virtually every press conference.


The rise of the BSP was about fighting against ‘upper’ caste domination. But today, Dalit youth want more than that. Having won the first round and made their point against caste domination and discrimination, the new generation Dalits want to assert equality. It is a different aspiration and Chandrashekhar Azad epitomises it.


Also read: Why UP bypolls, not Maharashtra & Haryana verdict, threw up a bigger surprise for Mayawati


BSP under siege

Dalits have already been deserting the BSP for the BJP since 2014, especially non-Jatav Dalits. Some Jatavs, too, have been attracted to the BJP thanks to Modi’s economic populism: free houses, toilets, LPG cylinders. And then there’s the Congress party, which Dalits used to vote for until the rise of the BSP in the early 1990s. Mayawati has also been attacking Priyanka Gandhi. Dalits going back to the Congress has always been her fear.


In other words, Mayawati is under siege from all sides. And she is not reacting astutely at all. Her response reveals her anxieties. All she wants is to retain her Dalit vote-bank. And therein lies the mistake. The biggest reason why even Dalits are giving up on Mayawati is because they see no hope of her returning as chief minister any time soon. She’s unable to project ‘winnability’.


Also read: Who trolls Mayawati on Twitter and what it says about Indians


Closed to new ideas

For this, Mayawati has only herself to blame — although if you ask Dalit intellectuals, they will blame her Brahmin aide, Satish Chandra Mishra. Mayawati has closed herself to any new ideas. She thinks the old formula can still work: marry Dalit vote-bank to non-Dalit candidates, who will also bring votes of their own caste. Two plus two equals victory.


This formula worked in the past. But now, caste politics alone won’t work. The once fragmented ‘lower’ Other Backward Classes (OBCs) have been solidly mobilised by the BJP, whose caste coalition is formidable. But caste is not the only thing that matters.


As part of her old formula, Mayawati did not need to campaign on the ground. She only needed to address a few big rallies on election eve and that was enough. But as the BSP stares at a likely implosion, Mayawati needs to get out and travel across Uttar Pradesh, re-establish connect with the masses. Kanshiram built the BSP on his bicycle. Mayawati will need to leave her ivory tower – even though it seems unlikely that she will. She might think it will reduce her stature.


All she can think of is going back from a ‘Dalit+Muslim’ strategy to a ‘Dalit+Brahmin’ strategy. So, the leader of the BSP in the Lok Sabha has been changed from Muslim to Brahmin. What she really needs to do instead is travel across Uttar Pradesh and campaign on law and order, utilising the perception that law and order in the state is best when she is the chief minister.


She doesn’t think she needs to campaign. At least not until a week before the first phase of the polling. Why campaign when you are the queen of social engineering?





Mayawati losing the plot: Time running out

The ‘Dalit Ki Beti’ as she calls herself, has often been mocked as ‘Daulat Ki Beti’ but now she appears to be politically isolated

SP chief Mayawati

SP chief Mayawati

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Ashutosh

Published: 07 Nov 2020, 5:45 PM

Engagement: 1.223 K

Two U-turns in three days left even the most ardent supporters of Ms Mayawati baffled. There was no urgency or necessity for her to hold a press conference and say that BSP would do everything to ensure the defeat of Samajwadi Party candidates in the biennial election to the Rajya Sabha. If necessary, BSP would vote for the BJP, she asserted.


The stakes for the Rajya Sabha seats was not very high for the SP or the BSP, which could hope to win just one seat in the best-case scenario. Why would Behen Ji make such a loaded statement and give her game away, even if she had reached an understanding with the BJP? There was really no need for her to give the statement.


But within 48 hours she appeared to have realised the faux pas made by her; and she came up with another statement, saying this time that she would never join hands with the BJP under any circumstances. If the statement was made as a damage control measure, it predictably failed. On the contrary it cemented the impression that the BSP chief is confused and lacks clarity and foresight. There was a time when Ms Mayawati used to tie ‘Rakhi’ on the wrist of senior BJP leader Murali Manojar Joshi. She thrice formed a government in Uttar Pradesh with the help of BJP. For her BJP was never ‘untouchable’ in UP. But since 2014 she had been vocal in her criticism of both BJP and the RSS. So much so that in 2019 she dropped her animosity for the Samajwadi Party and embraced Akhilesh Yadav in a bid to stop Modi and BJP’s juggernaut.


She never forgave the Samajwadi Party for the attack on her at the State Guest House on Mirabai Road in Lucknow in 1994. She was reportedly humiliated and roughed up by SP workers then and she had ruled out any truck with it on several occasions in the past. Therefore, her decision to swallow the insult and her pride and join hands with SP was a major political departure for her. She clearly saw BJP and Modi as a bigger threat in 2019. Therefore, when she suddenly spoke of supporting the BJP, the question people asked was whether it was an off-the-cuff political statement of pique or whether there was more than met the eyes.


Mayawati, a school teacher, had led the movement to restore power under her mentor Kanshi Ram. Her achievement was nothing short of a miracle. It was no mean achievement to enable suppressed Dalits to stand up to dominating upper castes in the feudal state. She played an important role in continuing the movement for social justice that Baba Saheb Ambedkar had steered. But while Baba Saheb electrified the Dalits, ensured Reservation for them and energised the Dalit movement, he could not secure for them political power. He himself lost elections and the Republican Party remained a marginal force. It was Kanshi Ram who understood the requirements of electoral politics and moulded the Dalits in UP as a strong, political force. By the nineties, one could not even imagine of politics in the state without the Bahujan Samaj Party.


It is worth noting that Mayawati has been the chief minister of the largest state five times. On one occasion BSP secured an absolute majority by itself; on three other occasions she formed governments with support from or in alliance with the BJP. She also headed a government in which both BSP and SP were partners. Indeed, in 2007 she even succeeded in broadening the party’s appeal to the upper castes and secured a majority for herself. It was a breathtaking political experiment and an audacious act when upper castes extended their support to the party of Dalits.



Much of the credit for BSP’s success in UP goes to Kanshi Ram. But though Mayawati was his chosen successor, she lacked his vision and failed to take the movement forward. For Kanshi Ram, BSP and a share in political power were the means to empower the Dalits and strengthen the movement for equality. But for Mayawati, winning elections and forming the government became an end in itself. The inevitable result was a serious erosion in her support base among Dalits, who voted for the BJP in large numbers in the last Assembly election in the state. That explains why BJP bagged over 300 seats in the state assembly. Dalits found themselves reduced to just being voters and Mayawati as just one more leader.


When a Dalit woman was gangraped in Hathras and the Government of Yogi Adityanath persistently refused to acknowledge it as such, there was not a word from Mayawati. When the woman succumbed to her injuries after a fortnight, a host of political leaders called on the family to express their support and solidarity, among them Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi of the Congress and Jayant Chaudhary of the RLD. The UP government turned the victim’s village into a police garrison and tried to stop the leaders outside the village. But Mayawati was conspicuous by her absence and silence.


If Mayawati cannot stand by Dalits when they are in need of support, why would they stand by her? Chandrashekhar of the Bheem Army is doing what Mayawati should have been doing. And that is why his popularity among Dalits in UP is rising while hers is on the decline.


These are challenging times for Mayawati. She hasn’t won an election since 2012. She lost elections in 2014, 2017 and 2019 rather badly. Her support base has shrunk and today she is seen less as a Dalit leader and more as a leader of only the Jatavs. She cannot be oblivious of BJP’s attempts to draw the rest of the Dalits to itself and her diminishing relevance. But she increasingly appears to be clueless. The uncharacteristic flip-flops when she first gets into an alliance with SP and then breaks it as quickly before planning to lean on the shoulders of the BJP show a drift which is troubling.


This is not the Mayawati I have known. She looks helpless but she is a prisoner of choice. She needs to get out of her fortress-like house and hit the streets again. She must aggressively take up the cause of Dalits and get arrested, beaten or sent to prison. If she doesn’t, time is running out for her. She will soon be History.


(The writer is a senior journalist and political commentator. Views are his own.)





Future of the Congress: Rahul Gandhi needs to be ruthless in weeding out the ‘Syndicate’

 Future of the Congress: Rahul Gandhi needs to be ruthless in weeding out the ‘Syndicate’

Congress must shift its ideological moorings to liberal democracy, insist on rules to apply uniformly in all states

Congress Chief Rahul Gandhi (Twitter)

Congress Chief Rahul Gandhi (Twitter)

Sujata Anandan

Sujata Anandan

Published: 02 Jun 2019, 2:30 PM

Engagement: 3.722 K

During the 1998 election season, with Sitaram Kesri as Congress president, the party was on the verge of extinction. Congressmen across India were already in mourning, stating that all that there was left to do was for them to come and sit at the roadside, with a begging bowl and jhola, hoping for some alms from passers-by. It could well have been a Congress-mukt Bharat right then.


As they waited for their eventual decimation, suddenly Sonia Gandhi stepped into the election campaign, electrifying the cadres and energising party workers. The Congress ended up just a few seats short of the BJP and Kesri stepped aside for her as party president.


Right or wrong, the Congress had needed the pull of a charismatic pan-Indian leader at the helm of its affairs at the time. And although Sonia was painfully shy and could not speak extempore, was much ridiculed as a reader (of speeches) rather than a leader, she nonetheless succeeded in uniting the restless party and steering it to victory less than a decade later in 2004.


Ever since then the Nehru-Gandhis have been the glue that has held the highly fractious Congress together. Today, despite calls for its death and disbanding, it is actually the only party that can keep the nation glued together and India from being pushed into a second partition.


For, from the series of lynchings of Muslims, Dalits and tribals within days of Narendra Modi winning a massive second mandate, it is obvious nothing has changed. For the moment these sections seem - *needs pun unintended -cowed down but, sooner rather than later, with no hope in sight there could be an uprising as these communities are pushed to the wall and strike back.


Over the past few days, there seems to be a consensus emerging that, despite dissenting voices, Congress president Rahul Gandhi would be foolhardy to give in to the clamour of the forces influenced by the RSS ideology - and even some socialists keen and eager to occupy the Congress space - to resign from his post.


Even the most sympathetic of individuals feel that would be like a captain deserting a sinking ship. Gandhi cannot afford to go down in history as a man who left the party in tatters and could not clean up the mess himself. If at all he quits as Congress president, the party must be handed to his successor at its peak and not at its nadir. That is simply not how courageous men conduct themselves and Rahul Gandhi, as we know, is no coward.



I too am firmly of the view that Gandhi, who has shown no lack of courage so far in shouldering the barbs and ridicule thrown at him by fascist forces, should dig in his heels and take the lead in resurrecting the party. Rahul should not take the easy way out by running away from the field. However, there are some things the Congress now needs to do to rise like a Phoenix from the ashes it seems to be buried under. These decisions will be hard ones which only a Nehru-Gandhi can pull off – with anyone else at the helm of affairs, the implementation of these decisions is likely to break up the party into factions with each leader rebelling against the other and trying to assert his superiority over others.


The first and foremost of these should be the ruthless retirement of the ‘syndicate" that grew around the ‘high command’. While Mrs Indira Gandhi had deftly dealt with the senior leaders of her time who wanted to manipulate her as a goongi gudiya, Sonia has had rather less success in putting the senior leaders of her time in place because of her western sensibilities.


They manipulated her into taking inadvisable decisions – for example, the sacking of Jaganmohan Reddy after the death of his father YSR Reddy when he could have been easily accommodated with a token post in party or government-to suit their own agendas. They passed those decisions off as something Mrs Indira Gandhi would have taken or as something better suited to Indian sensibilities which Sonia was too afraid to oppose even against her better judgment.


Rahul, however, has no such handicap and must deal with such self-centred stalwarts with a firm hand though rather more respectfully than Modi did with the likes of LK Advani. Like Advani with the BJP, these Congress stalwarts have received much from both the party and the nation. It is now time for them to step aside and make room for a younger generation. But not necessarily just their sons and daughters.


Ah, yes. Sons and daughters and sundry relatives. In the matter of the GenNext too, the Congress needs to set some hard, inviolable rules for all without exception. It has a precedent which must be restored and followed dutifully.


In 2006 and 2008 in Goa and Karnataka respectively, the Congress had been on the right track in formulating a rule that two members of the same family would not be allowed to hold electoral offices at the same time. So as sitting chief minister Pratapsinh Rane contested, his son Vishwajit did not get a party ticket. The same rule was applied to Margaret Alva in Karnataka in 2008 – she was asked to resign as union minister if she wanted a ticket for her son.


However, by 2009 the Congress lost its way on this excellent rule with exceptions being made for the children of Sushil Kumar Shinde and Vilasrao Deshmukh. Had this rule not been broken, the Congress would not have faced the peculiar and embarrassing situation of the son of the leader of the opposition in the Maharashtra legislative assembly joining the BJP at the eleventh hour when the seat he wanted from the Congress -Ahmednagar - went to the NCP.


Much more important than these organisational changes, however, is the need for a fundamental shift in its ideology from an overtly left-leaning one or soft Hindutva to the purest form of liberal democracy with the individual at the centre of its focus without any overt emphasis on caste, creed, sex or religion.


With unadulterated focus on the basic freedoms and fundamental rights of the individual in this country, man, woman or child, upper or lower caste, rich or poor, there is ample scope and space for the Congress to resurrect itself and bring the country back on an even keel.










"PM's Tears Can't Wipe Families' Tears": On Covid, Rahul Gandhi's Swipe

Rahul Gandhi, who has been critical of the government's handling of the pandemic, said the white paper was a "blueprint on how to react to the third wave

All IndiaEdited by Chandrashekar SrinivasanUpdated: June 22, 2021 12:12 pm IST


Rahul Gandhi Gandhi was referring to an online interaction the PM had with health workers in UP.



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New Delhi: Congress MP Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday took a swipe at Prime Minister Narendra Modi as he released a white paper to help the government prep for a third wave of Covid infections - which experts say will likely be inevitable as the virus acquires mutations linked to immunity evasion.

"In the second wave many died needless deaths... we couldn't provide them with oxygen. Prime Minister's tears cannot wipe the tears of families who lost family members... his tears cannot save them, oxygen can. But he didn't take it seriously as his focus was on Bengal (elections)," he said.


Mr Gandhi was referring to an online interaction the Prime Minister had with health workers in UP's Varanasi - his parliamentary constituency - last month, during which he appeared emotional as he spoke about those who had died because of COVID-19.


Mr Gandhi, who has been critical of several aspects of the government's handling of the pandemic and its policy, said the paper was a "blueprint on how to react to the third wave... to provide the government with information and insight on what went wrong (handling the second wave)".


"The purpose of this white paper is to help the nation prep for the third wave. It is pretty clear the third wave is coming. The virus is constantly mutating. The aim of the white paper is to show the road (ahead). We have discussed it with experts and developed four pillars," he said.


Mr Gandhi said consultations with experts had yielded a four-pronged strategic approach.


"The central pillar is vaccination. It is very important we have aggressive and 100 per cent vaccination," he said, as the country scrambles to overcome vaccine hesitancy and supply issues that affected pace of inoculation in the initial weeks and months of this year.


The second pillar, Rahul Gandhi said in his white paper, is to ensure the government has adequate numbers of hospital beds and medical resources, including oxygen (and oxygen production capabilities), medicines and life-saving equipment like ventilators.


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"The government must be prepared. (Part of) prepping for the third wave means to understand what went wrong and correct it..." he stressed.


Rahul Gandhi also once again flagged the need for direct cash transfers to the poorest sections of the population - those who have been worst affected by the pandemic and the lockdown.


"Covid is an economic and social disease too. We have given NYAY concept...if PM doesn't like the name he can change it but the aim is to have money reach the poor people," he said, referring


The second Covid wave - trends suggest it is now in decline - wrought havoc in India, with lakhs infected and thousands dying every day. At its peak the country recorded over four lakh new cases and more than four thousands deaths per day.


The number of deaths has since been questioned, with comparative analysis of mortality data indicating that several states have unaccounted deaths running into tens of thousands.


The undercounting of deaths was only one aspect of the second wave; hospitals were overflowing with patients, medical staff were left traumatised and medicines were in short supply.


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In particular, the lack of oxygen for patients on life support made headlines, with the centre and states squabbling over responsibility and the Supreme Court forced to intervene.


Third Front

 Trinamool, AAP Among 8 Political Parties At Sharad Pawar's Home For Meet

Those associated with the event clarified that the gathering had nothing to do with putting together a Third Front.

All IndiaReported by Arvind Gunasekar, Edited by Deepshikha GhoshUpdated: June 22, 2021 5:28 pm IST

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Trinamool, AAP Among 8 Political Parties At Sharad Pawar's Home For Meet

Eight political parties were present at the meeting



New Delhi: A meeting at veteran politician Sharad Pawar's house today, which drew outsized attention over reports of a Third Front effort, featured eight political parties including Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress, the Left and Arvind Kejriwal's Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

Former Union Minister Yashwant Sinha, whose outfit Rashtra Manch organised the meeting, was among the first to arrive. He had asked Sharad Pawar to host the meeting, described as a gathering to "debate current events".


Eight political parties were present at the meeting. National Conference leader Omar Abdullah, Majid Memon and Vandana Chauhan from Mr Pawar's Nationalist Congress Party, RLD's Jayant Choudhary, Samawadi Party's Ghanshyam Tiwari and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)'s Sushil Gupta were among those who attended.


Others at the gathering were retired Justice AP Shah, former ambassador KC Singh and lyricist Javed Akhtar. Senior lawyer KTS Tulsi, former chief election commissioner SY Qureshi and senior lawyer Colin Gonsalves skipped the meet.


With Mr Pawar, one of India's most experienced politicians and a sharp negotiator, playing host, the meeting was projected by many as the first steps towards forming an opposition front to take on Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP in the 2024 national election.


However, those associated with the event clarified that the gathering had nothing to do with putting together a Third Front.


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"Yashwant Sinha heads the Rashtra Manch. He asked to meet with Mr Pawar. So the meeting is an initiative of the Rashtra Manch," said NCP leader Praful Patel.


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Sources close to Sharad Pawar said neither he nor his party had put out any invitations. "This is a highly overrated and speculative meeting," they said.


Jun 22 2021 @ 16:25PMహోంజాతీయంమూడో ఫ్రంట్‌ బీజేపీని సవాలు చేయలేదు : ప్రశాంత్ కిశోర్అన్నపూర్ణ మ్యారేజెస్ - అన్ని కులాల వారికి పెళ్లి సంబంధాలు చూడబడునుప్రవేశం ఉచితంPH: 9397979740/50

న్యూఢిల్లీ : భారతీయ జనతా పార్టీని దీటుగా ఎదుర్కొనేందుకు మూడో ఫ్రంట్ కానీ, నాలుగో ఫ్రంట్ కానీ వస్తుందనే నమ్మకం తనకు లేదని ఎన్నికల ప్రచార వ్యూహకర్త ప్రశాంత్ కిశోర్ అన్నారు. బీజేపీని 2024 లోక్‌సభ ఎన్నికల్లో ఎదుర్కొనేందుకు థర్డ్ ఫ్రంట్ ఏర్పాటుకు సన్నాహాలు జరుగుతున్నట్లు వార్తలు వస్తున్న నేపథ్యంలో ఆయన ఈ వ్యాఖ్యలు చేశారు. 




ప్రశాంత్ కిశోర్ ఓ టీవీ ఛానల్‌తో మాట్లాడుతూ, ‘‘ప్రస్తుత ప్రభుత్వాన్ని విజయవంతంగా సవాల్ చేయగలిగే థర్డ్ లేదా ఫోర్త్ ఫ్రంట్ వస్తుందనే నమ్మకం నాకు లేదు’’ అన్నారు. థర్డ్ ఫ్రంట్ ప్రయోగం గతంలో జరిగిందని, దీనికి పరీక్షలు ఎదురయ్యాయని, ఇది పాతబడిపోయిందని అన్నారు. ప్రస్తుత రాజకీయ పరిస్థితులకు థర్డ్ ఫ్రంట్ తగినది కాదన్నారు. శరద్ పవార్‌తో తాను తీవ్రమైన రాజకీయ చర్చలు జరిగినట్లు తెలిపారు. బీజేపీపై పోరాటానికి చేయవలసినదేమిటో రాష్ట్రాలవారీగా చర్చించినట్లు తెలిపారు. థర్డ్ ఫ్రంట్ తరహా వ్యవస్థను ఏర్పాటు చేయడం ప్రస్తుతం తమ దృష్టిలో లేదన్నారు. 




ఎన్‌సీపీ చీఫ్ శరద్ పవార్‌తో ప్రశాంత్ కిశోర్ వరుస భేటీలు జరుపుతుండటంతోపాటు కొందరు ప్రతిపక్ష నేతలు కూడా మంగళవారం సమావేశమయ్యారు. శరద్ పవార్ నివాసంలో జరిగిన ఈ సమావేశంలో ఎన్‌సీపీ, ఏఏపీ, టీఎంసీ, ఆర్జేడీ, సమాజ్‌వాదీ పార్టీ, ఆర్ఎల్‌డీ, నేషనల్ కాన్ఫరెన్స్ నేతలతోపాటు కొందరు పాత్రికేయులు, ఇతర రంగాల ప్రముఖులు పాల్గొన్నారు. 







"Not A Third Front Meet": On Gathering At Sharad Pawar's, A Clarification

One reason the meeting had captured so much political attention was Sharad Pawar's talks with poll strategist Prashant Kishor yesterday.

All IndiaReported by Sreenivasan Jain, Edited by Deepshikha GhoshUpdated: June 22, 2021 10:56 am IST

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Sharad Pawar is hosting a meeting of "Rashtra Manch" at his place today.



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New Delhi: Veteran politician Sharad Pawar is "not hosting a third front meeting" today, it was clarified shortly before what now appears to be a gathering of politicians and intellectuals to "debate current events".

Former Union Minister Yashwant Sinha, a former BJP leader who recently joined the Trinamool Congress, tweeted last evening that Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sharad Pawar was hosting a meeting of his "Rashtra Manch", a political action group he set up in 2018.


Those associated with the event were at pains to clarify that the gathering has nothing to do with putting together a Third Front to fight Prime Minister Narendra Modi's BJP in the 2024 election.


Besides politicians, "eminent people from various fields" have been invited to the meeting, which diminishes the political heft that it was given at first, when the news broke.


Shiv Sena's Sanjay Raut said: "I don't believe this is an opposition gathering because it doesn't have Shiv Sena, Samajwadi Party, BSP and Chandrababu Naidu. Maybe this is the first initiative to bring the opposition together."


The Manch, which meets regularly, has an open-ended membership, said ex-Janata Dal United leader Pavan Varma, one of its regulars. "We invite members from different parties and walks of life, except the BJP," Mr Varma said.


The invitees include senior advocate KTS Tulsi, former chief election commissioner SY Qureshi, former ambassador KC Singh, lyricist Javed Akhtar, filmmaker Pritish Nandy, senior lawyer Colin Gonsalves, media personalities Karan Thapar and Ashutosh, said NCP leader Nawab Mallik.


National Conference leader Farooq Abdullah, who is also invited, said his son Omar Abdullah would attend the meet.


One reason the meeting captured so much political attention yesterday was Mr Pawar's talks with ace poll strategist Prashant Kishor just before the details came out. This was their second meeting in two weeks and there was furious speculation that a third front was in the making. Mr Pawar is known for his networking skills and has helped cobble many an unlikely coalition.


But hours later, Prashant Kishor distanced himself from the meeting and ruled out any association with an opposition front to take on the BJP in the next general election. 


"I don't believe a Third or Fourth Front could emerge as a successfully challenge to the current dispensation," he told NDTV, adding that the 'tried and tested' Third Front model was archaic and not suited to the current political dynamic.


That effectively confirmed that today's meeting had nothing to do with any strategy talks the two may have had.


Mr Kishor said his one-on-one meetings with the NCP chief were for both men to get to know each other better. They had hardcore political discussions, going state-by-state to explore the possibility of what will work in the fight against the BJP and what won't, according to the master strategist.


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Mr Kishor, who helped craft Mamata Banerjee's successful Bengal election campaign, said her victory sent a message to all opposition parties that "they too can stand up to the BJP and give them a contest".



Sharad Pawar calls opposition meeting on Tuesday, excludes Congress

While the move is not without its internal political contradictions, "much more than Narendra Modi, it is the Congress that needs to worry", said a former Congress chief minister

Topics

Sharad Pawar | Opposition parties | Indian National Congress


Aditi Phadnis  |  New Delhi 

Last Updated at June 21, 2021 22:55 IST

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NCP Chief Sharad Pawar in Mumbai

Prashant Kishor has had two rounds of meeting with Pawar

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With former finance minister Yashwant Sinha by his side and political strategist Prashant Kishor as his sherpa, veteran political leader with across-the-board acceptability, Sharad Pawar, has launched a new political initiative to unite the non-Congress opposition with a view to defeating the Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).


The NCP supremo has invited all non-Congress political parties to his Delhi residence for a meeting on Tuesday that could set off a round of ‘conclave’ politics that was a dominant feature of Indian politics in the decades of the 1980s and led to a new alignment of forces that forced the Congress out of its dominant political position for many years to come.



Pawar’s initiative pointedly excludes the Congress. While the move is not without its internal political contradictions, “much more than Narendra Modi, it is the Congress that needs to worry”, said a former Congress chief minister.


Meanwhile, Congress President Sonia Gandhi has called for a meeting of party officebearers to discuss ways to address multiple challenges, including high petrol prices.


Prashant Kishor has had two rounds of meeting with Pawar. In the first three-hour round, among other things, the two discussed the possibility of the Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and the Shiv Sena joining up for the Brihannmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections. When a senior Congress leader called on Pawar in Mumbai (who was convalescing after surgery of his mouth), he said the NCP leader conceded to him that a large opposition grouping that excluded the Congress would not be strong enough to challenge the BJP). But apparently Kishor told him otherwise and Congress leaders are homing in on Prashant Kishore’s influence on Pawar to turn him away from the Congress.


Within days of that meeting, Pawar is making his moves, surefooted and agile. The expectation is that even if senior leaders like K Chandrashekhara Rao (Telangana CM and leader of the TRS), MK Stalin (Tamil Nadu CM and leader of the DMK) and Mamata Banerjee (West Bengal CM and leader of the TMC) are unable to attend, they will send representatives senior enough to indicate their engagement. It is not yet clear if the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), an ally of the BJP till recently, has been invited. Sources advising the SAD said the upcoming assembly elections in Punjab will not yield the kind of decisive victory the Congress is seeking and the SAD would like to keep its options open if it has to approach the BJP for help in forming a government.


The CPI (M)-led Left Front has an alliance with Sharad Pawar’s NCP in Kerala. CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury and Pawar have been in close touch. But Mamata Banerjee’s TMC and the Left parties are bitter rivals in Bengal. Can the two groups sink their differences in the large cause of national unity against the BJP? This will be evident on Tuesday, but many Congress leaders think this is not a deal-breaker when opposition to Modi is involved. The group that is most on the back foot is the Congress. Leaders were brave in public but conceded privately that the initiative had been taken and the Congress was nowhere in the picture: “In the given situation, there is not much he (Pawar) can do)” said a Congress leader. “But the meeting is going to be crucial. And it will lay bare before the world, the irrelevance of the Congress leadership.”


Pawar’s lieutenants had, some months ago, flagged the issue of the leadership of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) wondering why the Congress was doing nothing to make UPA a serious and active vehicle of the opposition. His supporters had suggested that Pawar might make a better chairman of the UPA.


Some months ago, before the West Bengal elections, Banerjee had written to all opposition parties, including the Congress, imploring that they come together to jointly oppose the “undemocratic” politics of the BJP. The letter met with a tepid response. But Pawar’s initiative, given his seniority and his capacity to negotiate, might not meet the same fate. “It is the Congress that should have made this move. It is tragic that we let someone else do it,” said a Congress leader.


Monday, June 21, 2021

Mission 2024 - alliance of anti- BJP and Congress.

Why Prashant Kishor’s lunch meet is giving Modi rivals a taste of 2024

An anti-BJP Mahagathbandhan minus Congress for 2024 isn’t a bad idea. But a pre-poll umbrella of parties with influence over 300 seats can be a formidable entity, theoretically.


D.K. SinghD.K. SINGH 14 June, 2021 11:43 am IST


ThePrint


Prashant Kishor  Sharad Pawar


What is Prashant Kishor up to? The poll strategist’s meeting with Sharad Pawar in Mumbai Friday has set political circles abuzz.


Kishor has already declared he is “quitting this space (election management)” and doesn’t want to do this “any longer”. His three-hour-long meeting at Silver Oak, Pawar’s residence, was obviously not about any poll management. The next assembly election in Maharashtra is three years away anyway.



Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leaders and Kishor described it as a “private meet”, a part of his “good will” tour to thank those who supported Mamata Banerjee in her fight against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the West Bengal election. “Don’t read too much politics in it,” said Supriya Sule, NCP leader and Pawar’s daughter who was at Silver Oak during the meeting.


Few politicians are ready to buy it though. When Pawar, a widely acknowledged ‘prime ministerial material’, meets the most celebrated poll strategist today, it’s bound to trigger talks about “much politics”. Speculation about a mahagathbandhan or grand alliance of opposition parties for the 2024 Lok Sabha election may not be totally misplaced. And not just because it’s the only hope Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s detractors have, given how the Congress on its own looks incapable of dislodging him from power. Thanks to an overbearing Centre and the BJP’s expansionist agenda, non-BJP governments in states and regional parties are increasingly rallying around one another to take on the saffron party. Prashant Kishor is perfectly placed to bring them together under one umbrella.


He has been instrumental, in varying degrees, to bring them to power—Nitish Kumar in Bihar in 2015, Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, M.K. Stalin in Tamil Nadu, Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal. Of all these, Bengal election was his toughest test, with the BJP breathing fire. Kishor was the architect of the first successful anti-BJP mahagathbandhan—in Bihar in 2015. If he could bring together Lalu Yadav and Nitish Kumar, friends-turned-bitter foes, then, he is certainly the right man to build a similar umbrella at the national level.



VDO.AI

But it’s easier said than done.




Also read: Sharad Pawar meets Prashant Kishor, fuels talks of an anti-BJP alliance for 2024 polls


Let’s do the maths

Although Prashant Kishor still enjoys a good rapport with the Gandhis, the Congress, which was a part of the Bihar mahagathbandhan, remains the biggest hurdle to such an all-encompassing anti-BJP platform in 2024. But before we come to this hurdle, let’s see if such a non-Congress alliance should worry Modi and Amit Shah.


As it is, there are 19 states and five union territories, with 204 Lok Sabha seats, where the Congress is either the ruling or the principal opposition party and wouldn’t share any seat with any opposition alliance. They include the eight northeastern states with 25 seats. The remaining 179 seats are spread over Madhya Pradesh (29), Karnataka (28), Gujarat (26), Rajasthan (25), Kerala (20), Punjab (13), Chhattisgarh (11), Haryana (10), Uttarakhand (5), Himachal Pradesh (4), Goa (2), Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu (2), Andaman and Nicobar Islands (1), Chandigarh (1), Ladakh (1) and Puducherry (1). They also happen to be the seats where regional parties that are not aligned with either national party are absent or insignificant, except in the case of the JD(S) in south Karnataka.


So, a mahagathbandhan minus Congress has to be centred on 339 seats (543-204). On a few of them—say, in states like Jharkhand, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu—the Congress may have marginal presence but let’s count them out for the purpose of convenience. Anyway, the Congress is largely at the mercy of its regional allies on these seats.



Also read: Bengal has stopped BJP’s Ashvamedha yagna — and given India an opportunity


Let’s deduct five Lok Sabha seats of Jammu & Kashmir from this tally. With regional parties in J&K raising the demand for restoration of special status (Article 370), mahagathbandhan architects may like to maintain an arm’s length from them. That brings the mahagathbandhan’s stakes down to 334 seats.


Let’s also deduct 21 seats of Odisha, given how CM Naveen Patnaik shows no inclination of taking on the ruling party at the Centre despite the latter becoming the principal political threat in the state.


We can lock it at 313 seats (334-21), even though it includes some fence-sitters. Andhra CM Jagan Mohan Reddy, despite his friendship with Prashant Kishor, is unlikely to join an anti-BJP alliance. Central investigation agencies continue to investigate cases against him. But the grand alliance strategists may hope against hope for a dramatic surge in Chandrababu Naidu’s popularity.


A mahagathbandhan minus Congress with strong claims on 313 seats isn’t a bad proposition. It may be a travesty of an alliance, one may argue, given that these regional players have little electoral appeal outside their home states. But a pre-poll umbrella of parties commanding influence over 300-odd seats can be a formidable entity, theoretically. A Pawar, a Mamata Banerjee or even a Nitish Kumar (never rule him out) would certainly spice up the polls, no matter the outcome.


Also read: Where is the opposition in Modi’s India? It is here and finally with a face


What about the Congress?

The common refrain against the concept of such a grand opposition alliance is the presence of too many prime ministerial aspirants. Prashant Kishor prefers to go with a face in an election. Remember his unsuccessful attempt to persuade the Gandhis to project Priyanka Vadra as the chief ministerial face in the 2017 assembly election in Uttar Pradesh? Trust him to get a face if he sets out to forge this mahagathbandhan.


Where does it leave the Congress? The Gandhis may scoff at the idea of a grand alliance without the Congress, which gets around 20 per cent votes even in its debacles in the Lok Sabha election. Consider this hypothetical scenario though: The pre-poll mahagathbandhan wins 150-175 of these 300-odd seats and the Congress struggles to reach a three-digit figure. This hypothesis must tickle die-hard optimists in the opposition camp although the very suggestion of a fractured verdict must infuriate BJP leaders and sympathisers.


How the Congress would react to any initiative for a grand opposition alliance would depend on the results of assembly elections ahead of the grand finale in 2024. Sixteen states will go to polls from February-March 2022 to December 2023. The Congress is a major player in all except Uttar Pradesh and Telangana. If the party gets back to its winning ways, especially in the last round of assembly polls in November-December 2023—in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh—the swagger will be back. And so will be its ambitions to regain its numero uno position in Indian politics; that would mean no compromise with regional parties. But if the Congress receives drubbings in these polls, the party may become pragmatic and let regional parties have a say in those 300-odd seats. Such an understanding would be implicit, of course. Formally being part of a grand alliance without Rahul Gandhi as its PM candidate is a no-go for the Congress. And the idea of the former Congress president becoming the face is repugnant to many regional leaders.


It will take many more luncheon meetings to sort out these complex issues. ‘Modi vs Who’ is the question mahagathbandhan-wadis can’t wish away. Until they have an answer, the grand alliance remains a mere idea for Modi’s rivals to relish and cherish.


Views are personal.




After Chat With Prashant Kishor, Sharad Pawar Calls Opposition Meet

Invitations have gone to several parties on behalf of Sharad Pawar and former BJP leader Yashwant Sinha, who joined the Trinamool Congress of Mamata Banerjee just before the Bengal election.

All IndiaReported by Sreenivasan Jain, Sunil Prabhu, Edited by Deepshikha GhoshUpdated: June 21, 2021 5:33 pm IST

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NCP leader Sharad Pawar has called a meeting of opposition parties tomorrow (File)



14

New Delhi: Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sharad Pawar has called a meeting of opposition parties tomorrow to explore a joint fight against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, not just in the 2024 national election but also in Uttar Pradesh, where elections are due next year.

Invitations have gone to several parties on behalf of Sharad Pawar and former BJP leader Yashwant Sinha, who joined the Trinamool Congress of Mamata Banerjee just before the Bengal election. "Sharad Pawar ji and Shri Yashwant Sinha ji are co-chairing a discussion on the present national scenario. Yashwant Sinha has requested your kind presence and participation in the meeting," says the invite sent out by Rashtra Manch, Mr Sinha's outfit.


Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Manoj Jha, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)'s Sanjay Singh and Congress leaders Vivek Tankha and Kapil Sibal are some of the invitees. Mr Sibal has reportedly declined, so has Mr Jha. Tamil Nadu's ruling DMK has so far not received any invitation and says it is not aware of the meeting.


Reacting to initial reports that the Congress was not invited, the party's Maharashtra leader Nana Patole added to his litany of provocative statements over the past few days. "In a democracy everyone has a right to do whatever they want to.. We won't stop anyone. But there can be no front without the Congress," he said, adding that this was not the first time that Mr Pawar was trying to organize a third front.


Details of the opposition meeting emerged after Sharad Pawar's discussions with poll strategist Prashant Kishor in Delhi today.


The two met for the second time in two weeks amid speculation about a plan for "Mission 2024" to fight the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance in the next national election. They had last met on June 11 at Sharad Pawar's Mumbai home for three hours.


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Sharad Pawar Meets Prashant Kishor For Second Time In 2 Weeks

Sharad Pawar Meets Prashant Kishor For Second Time In 2 Weeks

Sources say apart from talks on a joint opposition candidate to challenge PM Modi, tomorrow's meeting will also facilitate an "exploratory exercise" to try and evolve an alternative to the BJP focusing on Uttar Pradesh, where there is sharp discontent against the BJP's Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. "Some sections of the BJP are silently supporting Pawar, who has understood that there is a huge decline in the popularity of PM Modi and that there is a need to take on the BJP," sources say.


Many parties have indicated their willingness to join such a grouping, say the sources. Mr Pawar, one of the canniest and senior most politicians in India, has been involved in crafting the unlikeliest of coalition governments and fronts over the years.


The election victory in Bengal, sources say, is being held up as an example that it is possible to outmaneuver the BJP and its virtually invincible poll machinery.


PromotedListen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.com


Mr Kishor's client Mamata Banerjee, who won a third straight term in West Bengal after fighting off a difficult challenge from the BJP, was asked whether she saw herself as the opposition prime ministerial candidate. "I think all together, we can fight the battle for 2024. But let's fight Covid first," she had said soon after the verdict.


14

Comments

Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut had talked about the need for an alliance of opposition parties at the national level. Mr Raut had said that he had spoken to Sharad Pawar on this.




Sharad Pawar Meets Prashant Kishor For Second Time In 2 Weeks

Sharad Pawar and Prashant Kishor's second meeting lasted half an hour, sources say, unlike the previous one that went on for three hours.

All IndiaNDTV NewsdeskUpdated: June 21, 2021 2:41 pm IST

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Sharad Pawar Meets Prashant Kishor For Second Time In 2 Weeks

Prashant Kishor met Sharad Pawar in Delhi days after their last meeting in Mumbai (File)



9

New Delhi: Poll strategist Prashant Kishor met with Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sharad Pawar today for second time in two weeks amid buzz about preps for "Mission 2024" to fight Prime Minister Narendra Modi's BJP.

The two met in Delhi days after their last meeting on June 11 at Sharad Pawar's Mumbai home. Their second meeting lasted half an hour, sources say, unlike the previous one that went on for three hours.


Their discussions are seen to have a larger context related to the 2024 election and talk of a third front - minus the BJP or Congress - and a joint opposition candidate to challenge PM Modi. Many parties have indicated their willingness to join such a grouping, say sources.


ALSO READ

Sharad Pawar To Host Meeting Of Non-Congress Opposition Parties Tomorrow


Prashant Kishor's Impersonators Provoking Leaders Against Amarinder Singh: Police


Mr Kishor's client Mamata Banerjee, who won a third straight term in West Bengal after fighting off a difficult challenge from the BJP, was asked whether she saw herself as the opposition prime ministerial candidate. "I think all together, we can fight the battle for 2024. But let's fight Covid first," she had said soon after the verdict.


9

Comments

Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut had talked about the need for an alliance of opposition parties at the national level. Mr Raut had said that he had spoken Sharad Pawar on this.



After Chat With Prashant Kishor, Sharad Pawar Calls Opposition Meet

Invitations have gone to several parties on behalf of Sharad Pawar and former BJP leader Yashwant Sinha, who joined the Trinamool Congress of Mamata Banerjee just before the Bengal election.

All IndiaReported by Sreenivasan Jain, Sunil Prabhu, Edited by Deepshikha GhoshUpdated: June 21, 2021 6:29 pm IST

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NCP leader Sharad Pawar has called a meeting of opposition parties tomorrow (File)



29

New Delhi: Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sharad Pawar has called a meeting of opposition parties tomorrow to explore a joint fight against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, not just in the 2024 national election but also in Uttar Pradesh, where elections are due next year.

Invitations have gone to several parties on behalf of Sharad Pawar and former BJP leader Yashwant Sinha, who joined the Trinamool Congress of Mamata Banerjee just before the Bengal election. "Sharad Pawar ji and Shri Yashwant Sinha ji are co-chairing a discussion on the present national scenario. Yashwant Sinha has requested your kind presence and participation in the meeting," says the invite sent out by Rashtra Manch, Mr Sinha's outfit.


Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Manoj Jha, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)'s Sanjay Singh and Congress leaders Vivek Tankha and Kapil Sibal are some of the invitees. Mr Sibal has reportedly declined, so has Mr Jha. Tamil Nadu's ruling DMK will be represented by Tiruchi Shiva.


Reacting to initial reports that the Congress was not invited, the party's Maharashtra leader Nana Patole added to his litany of provocative statements over the past few day. "In a democracy everyone has a right to do whatever they want to.. We won't stop anyone. But there can be no front without the Congress," he said, adding that this was not the first time that Mr Pawar was trying to organize a third front.


Details of the opposition meeting emerged after Sharad Pawar's discussions with poll strategist Prashant Kishor in Delhi today. The two met for the second time in two weeks amid speculation about a plan for "Mission 2024" to fight the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance in the next national election. They had last met on June 11 at Sharad Pawar's Mumbai home for three hours.


Sources say apart from talks on a joint opposition candidate to challenge PM Modi, tomorrow's meeting will also facilitate an "exploratory exercise" to try and evolve an alternative to the BJP focusing on Uttar Pradesh, where there is sharp discontent against the BJP's Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. "Some sections of the BJP are silently supporting Pawar, who has understood that there is a huge decline in the popularity of PM Modi and that there is a need to take on the BJP," sources say.


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Many parties have indicated their willingness to join such a grouping, say the sources. Mr Pawar, one of the canniest and senior most politicians in India, has been involved in crafting the unlikeliest of coalition governments and fronts over the years.


The election victory in Bengal, sources say, is being held up as an example that it is possible to outmaneuver the BJP and its virtually invincible poll machinery.


PromotedListen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.com


Mr Kishor's client Mamata Banerjee, who won a third straight term in West Bengal after fighting off a difficult challenge from the BJP, was asked whether she saw herself as the opposition prime ministerial candidate. "I think all together, we can fight the battle for 2024. But let's fight Covid first," she had said soon after the verdict.


29

Comments

Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut had talked about the need for an alliance of opposition parties at the national level. zMr Raut had said that he had spoken Sharad Pawar on this.








అసత్యమేవ జయతే’నా...అంతేనా?!

------------ భాస్కరం కల్లూరి

                ---

“వ్యాక్సిన్ ‘అందరికీ’ ఉచితంగా ఇవ్వడానికి కేంద్రప్రభుత్వం కట్టుబడి ఉంది”

 

---అని ప్రధాని అన్నట్టు టీవీ తెరమీద హఠాత్తుగా స్క్రోలవుతూ కనిపించింది. ఆశ్చర్యపోయాను. నేనే పొరపాటు చూశానేమోననుకుని ఇంకోసారి స్క్రోల్ అయ్యేవరకూ ఆగి మళ్ళీ చూశాను: సందేహంలేదు, అలాగే ఉంది. మరిన్ని వివరాలు దొరుకుతాయేమోనని ఇతర న్యూస్ చానెల్స్ కూడా గాలించాను, కానీ దొరకలేదు.

 

దాంతో ఆన్ లైన్ న్యూస్ పేపర్స్ లో వెతికాను. ఇండియన్ ఎక్స్ ప్రెస్ లో ఆ వార్త కనిపించింది. లక్షమంది కోవిద్ వారియర్స్ కు మరిన్ని నైపుణ్యాలను పెంచడానికి ఉద్దేశించిన కోర్సును, ఒక వీడియో కాన్ఫరెన్స్ ద్వారా ప్రారంభిస్తూ ప్రధాని ఈ మాట అన్నారు. 


‘Central govt committed to providing free Covid-19 vaccines to everyone: PM Modi’ అని ఆ వార్తకు ఉంచిన శీర్షిక.


                                                    *  

నిజమా?! “వ్యాక్సిన్ ‘అందరికీ’ ఉచితంగా ఇవ్వడానికి కేంద్రప్రభుత్వం కట్టుబడి” ఉందా?!


మే 1వ తేదీనుంచి 18-44 ఏళ్లవారికి కూడా వ్యాక్సిన్ అందుబాటులోకి వస్తుందనీ, కోవిన్ యాప్ ద్వారా స్లాట్ బుక్ చేసుకోవచ్చని చెప్పడంతో మా అబ్బాయి మే 1 వచ్చీరాగానే పేరు రిజిస్టర్ చేసుకోడానికి ప్రయత్నించాడు, కానీ రిజిస్టర్ కాలేదు. రెండు, మూడురోజులు అలా ప్రయత్నించిన తర్వాత, వ్యాక్సిన్ అందుబాటులో లేదు కనుక పేర్లు రిజిస్టర్ చేసుకోవడంలేదని తెలిసి ఊరుకున్నాడు. ఆ తర్వాత చాలారోజులకు, “స్లాట్ దొరుకుతోంది, బుక్ చేసుకోవచ్చు”నంటే మళ్ళీ ల్యాప్ టాప్ ముందు కూర్చున్నాడు. వరసగా అయిదురోజులపాటు, రోజులో ఎన్నోసార్లు, ఎంతోసేపు అలాగే కూర్చున్నాడు. అయిదో రోజున ఎట్టకేలకు స్లాట్ దొరికింది; విజయగర్వంతో ఒక్క కేక పెట్టాడు. అదే రోజు మధ్యాహ్నం 2 గంటలకు టైమిచ్చారు. వెళ్ళి 1200/- చెల్లించి కోవ్యాక్సిన్ వేయించుకుని వచ్చాడు. 


అలాగే మా మేనల్లుడు, మేనగోడలు కూడా అన్ని రోజులూ, అంత సమయమూ వెచ్చించి చివరికి స్లాట్ సంపాదించి, డబ్బు చెల్లించి వ్యాక్సిన్ వేయించుకున్నారు. చాలా ఇళ్ళల్లో చాలామంది ఇలాగే చేసి ఉంటారు. 


బెంగళూరునుంచి ఇంకో విషయం తెలిసింది: ఒక పెద్ద ఆసుపత్రిగ్రూపువారు ఎక్కువ సంఖ్యలో ఉన్న ఫ్లాట్స్ దగ్గరికి వాళ్ళే వచ్చి వ్యాక్సిన్ వేస్తామని చెప్పారట. కాకపోతే, మామూలుగా చెల్లించే మొత్తం కన్నా ఎక్కువ చెల్లించాలట. అందుకు ఒప్పుకుని కొన్ని వందలమంది వ్యాక్సిన్ వేయించుకున్నారు. 


ముంబైలో జరిగిన ఇలాంటి ఘటన ఒకటి వార్తలకెక్కింది. ఒక పెద్ద ఆసుపత్రి గ్రూపు పేరు చెప్పి కొంతమంది ఇలాగే ఒక అపార్ట్ మెంట్ కాంప్లెక్స్ వారిని సంప్రదించారు. వారు చెప్పిన రేట్లకు ఒప్పుకుని అయిదువందలమంది వ్యాక్సిన్ వేయించుకున్నారు. తీరా చూస్తే, వ్యాక్సిన్ పేరుతో వారికి ఇంజెక్ట్ చేసింది సెలైన్ వాటరని తెలిసింది. 


బెంగళూరులో కూడా ఇలాగే జరిగిందేమో తెలియదు. దేశం మొత్తం మీద ఇలాంటి మోసాలు ఇంకెన్ని జరిగి ఉంటాయో?! అన్నీ వార్తలకు ఎక్కవు. 


వ్యాక్సిన్ అందరికీ ఉచితంగా ఇస్తామని గత ఏడాదినుంచీ కేంద్రం చెబుతోంది. టీకాలు ఉచితంగా వేయించుకోడానికే మనం అలవాటుపడ్డాం. అందుకని వ్యాక్సిన్ కు 1200/- చెల్లించడమంటే నాకు మొదటినుంచీ గొంతులో గరళం అడ్డుపడ్డట్టే ఉంది. మనసు చివుక్కుమంటూనే ఉంది. ఇక్కడ సమస్య, డబ్బు కాదు. అవసరమైనప్పుడు తల తాకట్టు పెట్టైనా వైద్యానికి వేలూ, లక్షలూ ఖర్చు పెడతాం. ప్రభుత్వమే అడిగితే, 1200/- కాదు, 2000/- అయినా ఇస్తాం. కానీ ఈ వ్యాక్సిన్ వేరు, ఒకానొక క్లిష్టసమయంలో ప్రభుత్వానికీ-పౌరుడికీ మధ్య ఉన్న ఒక సున్నితమైన బంధానికి దానిని ప్రతీకగా నేను ఊహించుకున్నాను. ఇలాంటి సమయంలో ప్రభుత్వానికీ-పౌరుడికీ ఉండాల్సిన సంబంధం, కార్పొరేట్-కస్టమర్ సంబంధం కాదు. 


ప్రాణమిచ్చినందుకూ, అన్నం పెట్టినందుకూ అమ్మకు డబ్బివ్వం, అమ్మ అడగదు; అమ్మ కడుపు చూస్తుంది కానీ, జేబు చూడదు. అయినా అమ్మకోసం ఎంతైనా ఖర్చు పెడతాం, ఏమైనా చేస్తాం.  ప్రభుత్వానికీ, పౌరుడికీ మధ్య ఉండాల్సింది అలాంటి బంధం కాదా!


ప్రభుత్వం బాధ్యతను గాలికొదిలేస్తే చివరికి ఎలాంటివి చూడాల్సి వస్తోంది? జనం వందలు చెల్లించి వ్యాక్సిన్ పేరుతో నీళ్ళ చుక్కలు కొనుక్కొని మోసపోవాల్సి వస్తోంది.


కేంద్రం అనుసరిస్తున్న వ్యాక్సిన్ పాలసీని సుప్రీంకోర్టు తీవ్రంగా తప్పుపడుతూ కొన్ని వ్యాఖ్యలు చేసిన తర్వాత, 18-44 ఏళ్ల వారిని కూడా కేంద్రం ‘ఉచితం’ పరిధిలోకి తెచ్చింది తప్ప ‘అందరికీ’ ఉచితమయ్యే విధంగా నిర్ణయం తీసుకోలేదు. అంతకుముందు 50 శాతం వ్యాక్సిన్ ను వేర్వేరు రేట్లకు అమ్ముకోడానికి ఉత్పత్తిదారులకు ఇచ్చిన అనుమతిని ఇప్పుడు పాతికశాతానికి తగ్గించింది, అంతే. 

  

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ఇప్పటికే ఎంతోమంది వ్యాక్సిన్ ను కొనుక్కున్న చేదునిజం వెక్కిరిస్తున్న పరిస్థితిలో--

“వ్యాక్సిన్ ను ‘అందరికీ’ ఉచితంగా ఇవ్వడానికి కేంద్రప్రభుత్వం కట్టుబడి ఉం” దని  ప్రధాని సత్యదూరమైన మాటలు మాట్లాడడం ఎలాంటిది?! ఒంటిమీద కత్తితో గాటు పెట్టి దానిమీద కారం రాయడం లాంటిది కాదా?! ఇంత పెద్ద అసత్యం ప్రధాని నోట ఎలా దొర్లింది?! 

 

“మీ వంతు వచ్చేవరకూ ఆగితే వ్యాక్సిన్ మీకు ఉచితంగానే లభిస్తుంది. అంతవరకూ ఆగకుండా తొందరపడి డబ్బు చెల్లించి మీరు వ్యాక్సిన్ తీసుకుంటే అది మీ తప్పు అవుతుంది కానీ, ప్రభుత్వం తప్పెలా అవుతుం”దనే కుయుక్తితో, కుతర్కంతో ప్రధాని మాటను ఎవరూ సమర్థించబోరనే అనుకుంటున్నాను. వ్యాక్సిన్ కు రకరకాల రేట్లు నిర్ణయించి, ప్రకటించింది ప్రభుత్వమే కనుక జనం వ్యాక్సిన్ కొనుక్కోవడంలో తన బాధ్యత లేదని అనలేదు. ఎలా చూసినా ‘అందరికీ’ ఉచితంగా వ్యాక్సిన్ ఇవ్వడానికి కేంద్రం కట్టుబడి ఉందనడం నూటికి నూరుపాళ్లు అసత్యం!


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ఇదొక పెద్ద అసత్యమా, దీనినింత పీకిపాకాన పెట్టాలా అని అభిమానులు వెనకేసుకురావచ్చు కానీ, జనానికి తెలియకుండా ఇంకా పెద్దవైన అసత్యాలు ఎన్నెన్ని దొర్లుతున్నాయోనన్న అనుమానం కలగదా?! చిన్న అసత్యం ఆడేవారు పెద్ద అసత్యాలు ఆడడానికి వెనకాడతారని ఎలా అనుకుంటాం?! అంతిమంగా ఇంత పెద్ద స్వతంత్రప్రజాస్వామికభారతరాజ్యం అసత్యాలు, అర్థసత్యాలనే చచ్చుపుచ్చు పునాదుల మీద నిలబడి ఉందనీ; ఎప్పటికైనా ఒరిగిపోతుందనీ అనిపించదా?! భవిష్యత్తును తలచుకుని భయం వేయదా?!


హరిశ్చంద్రుడు అబద్ధమాడి ఉంటే రాజ్యం దక్కేది. సత్యం కోసం రాజ్యాన్ని పోగొట్టుకుని వారణాసిలో కాటికాపరిగా కుదురుకున్నాడు. సమున్నతభారతీయ సంస్కృతీ సంప్రదాయాల గురించి, వేదపురాణ ఇతిహాసవాఙ్మయప్రాభవం గురించి, అవి చెప్పే విలువల గురించి పగలూ, రాత్రీ మాట్లాడే పార్టీకీ, పరివార్ కీ చెంది; వారణాసికి జనసభలో ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహిస్తున్న మోడీజీ- హరిశ్చంద్రుడి ఆదర్శాన్ని ఏ గంగపాలు చేశారు?! ఏ రాజ్యం కోసం అబద్ధాన్ని ఆశ్రయించారు?!


రాముడు జాబాలి బోధ విని, తండ్రికిచ్చిన మాటను గట్టున పెట్టి, వనవాసం విరమించుకుని, అయోధ్యకు తిరిగివెడితే ఆయనకూ రాజ్యం దక్కేది. కానీ సత్యంకోసం రాజ్యాన్ని వదలుకున్నాడు. సత్యం ఎంత గొప్పదో జాబాలికే బోధించాడు. “రాజధర్మం సత్యస్వరూపం. లోకమంతా సత్యం మీదే ఆధార పడి ఉంది. రాజు సత్యసంధుడైతే ప్రజలు కూడా ఆయననే అనుసరిస్తారు. పామును చూసి భయపడినట్లు జనం అసత్యవాదిని చూసి భయపడతారు. తండ్రి మాటను సత్యం చేస్తానని సత్యప్రమాణం చేసినవాడిని, దానిని ఎలా జవదాటను?” అని ప్రశ్నిస్తాడు. ‘జై శ్రీరామ్’ నినాదంతో అధికారశిఖరాగ్రానికి చేరిన పార్టీకి చెంది, అయోధ్యలో దివ్యభవ్యరామాలయానికి నిన్న గాక మొన్న భూమిపూజ చేసిన మోడీజీ రాముని ఆదర్శాన్ని ఏ అధఃపాతాళానికి తొక్కి ఏ రాజ్యభోగం కోసం అసత్యానికి పాల్పడ్డారు?! 


‘అశ్వత్థామా హతః”(అశ్వత్థామ చనిపోయాడు) అని బిగ్గరగా అని, ‘కుంజరః’(ఏనుగు) అని మెల్లగా అన్న ధర్మరాజు ఆ అబద్ధం ద్వారా కురుక్షేత్రయుద్ధ విజయానికీ, రాజ్యాధికారానికీ మరింత దగ్గరయ్యాడు. మోడీజీ రామనీతిని పక్కనపెట్టి తన అసత్యం ద్వారా ఏ రాజ్యలోభం కోసం ధర్మరాజనీతిని తలకెత్తుకున్నారు?!


వామనుడు కోరినట్టు మూడడుగులు ఇవ్వబోయి వినాశాన్ని కొని తెచ్చుకోబోతున్న బలిచక్రవర్తితో, ఎప్పుడెప్పుడు అబద్ధమాడవచ్చో, రాక్షసుల గురువైన శుక్రాచార్యుడు బోధించాడు. ప్రాణానికీ, ధనానికీ, మానానికీ భంగం కలిగే సందర్భాలు కూడా వాటిలో ఉన్నాయి. కానీ ‘రాక్షస’రాజైన బలిచక్రవర్తి కూడా శుక్రనీతిని పక్కన పెట్టి మాట మీద నిలబడి సర్వం కోల్పోయాడు.  మరి ఏ ధనమానాలను రక్షించుకోవడానికి మోడీజీ ఇంత అసత్యమాడారు?!  


స్వతంత్రభారతగణతంత్రరాజ్యం “సత్యమేవ జయతే… అనగా సత్యం మాత్రమే ఎల్లవేళలా జయిస్తుం”దన్న సూక్తిని జాతీయ ఆదర్శంగా స్వీకరించి, తన జాతీయచిహ్నంలో నిబంధించుకుంటే; ఆ సూక్తిని తలకిందులు చేస్తూ “అసత్యమేవ జయతే” అని మోడీజీ ఎలా నిరూపించదలచుకున్నారు?! 


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పాలకులు దుష్యంతునివంటి వారు. తమ రాజ్యధనాన్ని, మానాన్ని రక్షించుకోడానికి ఎలాగైనా బొంకుతారు. సత్యధర్మాలను ఎన్ని నిలువుల లోతునైనా పాతిపెట్టడానికి ప్రయత్నిస్తారు. కానీ బాధితులు, పీడితులు, దుర్బలులైన  జనం శకుంతలవంటివారు. వారికి సత్యధర్మాలనేవి కేవలం ఆదర్శాలు కావు, అవసరాలు. ఏ బలమూ లేనివారికి అవే ఆత్మరక్షణ కవచాలు. అందుకే శకుంతల సత్యం ఎంత గొప్పదో అనేక ఉదాహరణలతో ఉగ్గడించి తనకు న్యాయం చేయమని అడుగుతుంది.

 

ప్రజలకు ప్రధానసేవకుడినని చెప్పుకుంటూ అధికారం స్వీకరించినవారిని అబద్ధాల దుష్యంతుడు ఆవహించడమంటే-జనాన్ని ఆదుకోవలసిన సత్యధర్మాలూ, న్యాయమూ పూర్తిగా ప్రమాదంలో పడినట్టుకాదా?!





Alliance with Congress to be blamed for poll rout', feel CPM West Bengal leaders

Party leaders felt that joining hands with the Muslim cleric-led ISF caused damage to Left front's secular image.



Published: 20th June 2021 09:18 AM  |   Last Updated: 20th June 2021 09:18 AM  |  A+A A-

CPM, LDFRepresentational Image. (Photo | Online Desk, Ashitha Jayaprakash)

By Express News Service

KOLKATA: The CPM West Bengal state committee members were at loggerheads during a two-day review meeting to discuss the party’s disastrous performance in the recent Assembly elections. As the party failed to send a single representative to the House of 294 lawmakers, most of the leaders blamed it on the decision to join hands with one-month-old outfit Indian Secular Force (ISF).  


Many members also expressed their discontent for the party's alliance with the Congress saying similar tie-up had caused damage to the party in 2016 polls. The Congress had pocketed 44 seats at that time while the Left parties could bag just 26 seats.



In the recent election, the Left Front, Congress and ISF, the outfit floated by an influential Muslim cleric, formed an alliance to consolidate electorates who were against the ruling TMC and the rising BJP. Both the LF and Congress failed to bag a single seat while the ISF won only one out of 27 where it had contested.


"Inclusion of ISF in the alliance was not a unanimous decision. It was Selim (politburo member Mohammad Selim) who had projected the ISF as a progressive force which, in reality, was not. Those who were in favour of joining hands with the new outfit wanted to arrest migration of minority votes to the TMC. The strategy was wrong and electorates did not accept it as CPM has always been vocal of secularism," said a state committee member.


The alliance also received a set-back as the ISF fielded candidates in some of the seats in Murshidabad against Congress. State Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, who was against the inclusion of ISF, had his party did not share seats with the outfit. Incidently, many CPM state committee members had wanted the party to contest in the polls without joining hands with the ISF and Congress.